chapter iv

The Korean history before the arrival of Christianity may be religiously divided into three periods: Hananim-Shamanism-Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. They were national religions of successive dynasties, each for a long period, and therefore these religions have permeated into every area of life. So they have survived among the people even after the former religions were officially banned. As a result, Korean religious life became cumulative and syncretic. Christianity entered Korean religious life in this riskful atmosphere of powerful syncretism. As a matter of fact, Korea has always been a powerful melting pot of the world religions, including Shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism and Christianity. Therefore, without great caution and unceasing reflection, any religion is easily mixed up with the syncretised religiosity of long tradition. [19]

In the early missionary encounter with the Korean traditional religious culture, some traditional ideas and practices were tolerated, modified or justified because the Bible and Christian doctrines could not be communicated without the use of existing concepts or practices, most of which were taken from traditional religions. Further, the first Christians of the Korean church naturally attempted to interpret the Christian Gospel in terms of Korean philosophical and religious ideas, and this understanding has formed the basic structure of the spirituality and theology of the Korean churches. Therefore, I will attempt to analyze the traditional religions in order to delineate their doctrines of sanctification, with the assumption that every religion has a kind of doctrine of sanctification which includes the ideal state of man and how to achieve it. However, we will limit our study to the major traditional religions of Korea, which have dominated Korean religious life for a long period of time and deeply penetrated into the collective religiosity of the Korean people as a whole, either as a national religion or popular religion, for such religions are powerful enough to influence the general consciousness of the Korean mind and thus Korean Christianity also. So we will discuss five such religions: Hananim-worship, Shamanism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. [20]

4.2.1 Hananim-Worship

As the Korean people originally emigrated from the central Asia to the Korean peninsula via the northern route (Siberia, Mongolia and Manchuria), [21] they brought with them the religions of that region--Shamanism and the worship of the Supreme Deity of Heaven. [22] These two religions, polytheistic and monotheistic, have coexisted side by side throughout four thousand years of history. Heaven-worship especially has been kept most pure and strong among Koreans of all the northern Asian peoples. [23] Also, as they had a close relationship with the Chinese, their religious life was complicated by the import of some primitive folklore from China. Therefore, the oldest religions of Korea consist of three religious practices:

Heaven-worship, Shamanism, and imported folklore. [24] However, Heaven-worship has been so purely kept from the syncretising power of Shamanism, for both are too distinct to be mixed up. [25] Furthermore, Korean Heaven-worship is neither simply a philosophy of monotheism nor a nature worship of the astronomical heaven. To the contrary, the “Heaven” is the highest being who created and governs the world, and thus has been personalized as “Hananim” and affectionately worshipped by the whole Korean people, with the general view that all other religions are “inferior” or “secondary” to this supreme religion of Hananim. [26]

Dangun, the legendary founder of Korea, is said to be an offspring of the Heavenly God and ordained to rule people as well as lower spirits. He therefore built several altars and worshipped only the Heavenly God. When the first missionaries encountered this, they were so astonished and impressed that they immediately identified this deity with the Heavenly God of Christianity. In 1906 H.B.Hulbert wrote:

Its immense age is beyond question...The foundation stones and the first few courses give evidence of extreme age...The upper courses are apparently of more recent structure, and yet old compared with our most venerable European structures...Standing upon this altar-crowned summit, as the ocean wind drives the clouds across the serrated tops of the rugged range, one tries to imagine himself back in the days of Abraham, when Tangun stood by and directed the building of this heaven-touching altar...The mind faints in the effort to grasp the meaning of four thousand years. Not even China herself, that synonym of cyclopean age, can show as ancient and authentic a memento of the past. [27]

Strange to say, the purest religious notion which the Korean to-day possesses is the belief in Hananim, a being entirely unconnected with either of the imported cults and as far removed from the crude nature-worship. This word Hananim is compounded of the words “Heaven” and “master”... The Koreans all consider this being the Supreme Ruler of the Universe... Considered from this standpoint, the Koreans are strictly monotheists and the attributes and

powers ascribed to this being are in such consonance with those of Jehovah that the foreign missionaries have almost universally accepted the term for use in teaching Christianity. [28]

Also, H.G.Underwood wrote in 1910:

In Seoul, to the northwest, there is a beautiful grove of trees which contains an altar to the Heavens... Twice a year the emperor,... in reality acting as high priest for the whole country, offers up sacrifices to the Heavens. In addition to this, any notable and radical change in the laws, or any change in the name of dynasties, must be followed as soon as possible by the proper services at this altar, when the deity will be notified of the change, and here it might be said the emperor takes the oath of office... The altar, always comparatively low, built simply of earth and stone, is generally inside one or two-walled enclosures, with terraces gradually rising higher and completely open to the Heavens. As we view these enclosures, where the Supreme Deity is worshipped, we cannot but feel their entire fitness to the purpose to which they are sacred. Here are no stately piles of masonry, no groined arches and stained glass, no pictured walls or statuary, to intrude upon the worshipper's senses and steal his thoughts from the great object of his devotions... The blue vault of Heavens is the only canopy of this temple, the lofty whispering pines are its columns, the stars its tapers, the birds its choristers, and the flowery sod is its pavement. Here man,... in childlike faith and simplicity, seems instinctively sought the nearest way direct to his Father and Creator. [29]

Even since the arrival of foreigners... at times of great disaster, such as cholera, plague, drought, and famine, the emperor has by royal edict called upon the people to purify themselves, and go to the high hills and other places and sacrifice and pray to the Heavens... the people en masse prayed to the Heavens (not the physical arch above, which can be seen, but to the Heavens personified, to Providence) to avert the disaster, or send relief from the curse. Does not, then, this fact, that amid all her idolatry and superstition, Korea still has a kind of henotheism, give considerable weight to the theory that originally they were monotheists? [30]

Since the founding of Korea, the worship of Hananim has been a national religion through its whole history, [31] though foreign religions were introduced later. Following Dangun, every patriarch or king of Korea had the religious responsibility of worshipping the Heaven on behalf of his people, assisted by the high-priest called chon-gwan. [32] In spite of the strong influence of idolatrous Buddhism, the Heavenly God was kept from being made into an idol. [33] Moreover, even in the period of Confucianism which prohibits the worship of Heaven except the Chinese emperor, Korean kings have consistently ignored Confucian objections and worshipped the Heavenly Deity regularly. Also, only animals and especially sheep were used for the sacrifice to the Heaven. [34] Moreover, the polytheistic shaman who serves the lower spirits was not allowed to participate in the worship of the Heavenly God. [35] The missionaries therefore willingly identified the Hananim with the Heavenly God of Christianity and used the term to communicate the concept of God. [36] Of course, the Korean people welcomed this identification and it contributed greatly to the Christian mission in Korea. [37] Still, they do not depart from this tradition.

In this Hananim-worship, “Great care is exercised as to purification” rather than sacrifice or ritual. [38] “Absolute cleanness is considered essential.” [39] Purification includes not only “the ablutions numerous and carefully performed” but also purification of mental desires, as seen in the Dangun legend which encourages virtues like patience, obedience and love. [40] Because the Heavenly God was believed to be pure and holy, worship will be acceptable only done by the pure in body and mind. [41] This religious consciousness of purity has been so dominant from the ancient times that the Korean people became to like anything pure and white, even being called “white people” because of their favour to wear “white” clothes. So the original and basic idea of sanctification is that of purification. Of course, it reflects religious fear of as well as respect for the Supreme Deity and this oldest tradition of purification has strongly shaped all religious worship. [42] The Korean Christians also are accustomed to prepare themselves by purifying their body and soul in order to approach the altar of the holy God. However, it is a ceremonial purification which is done only when they approach the holy Deity, while they are relatively or absolutely free from purification in other times.

4.2.2 Shamanism

Shamanism deals with lower spirits, though it does acknowledge the supreme deity of Heaven. [43] It is animistic and magical: a spirit-possessed shaman helps troubled people by appeasing good spirits who are offended or by exorcising evil spirits who are troubling them, [44] believing that all troubles originate from spirits who are present in everything--heaven and earth, moon and stars, mountains and rivers, trees and animals, and the deceased humans. [45] Korean shamans are mainly of possession type rather than trance type of M. Eliade. [46] Among shamans there is “no hierarchy” but “a sort of Congregationalism”: one shaman serves 500-1000 households as her “inherited customers.” [47] Because it is believed that a happy life is achieved by not offending any spirit and that therefore any trouble is caused by spirits, people ascribed a great importance to this “spirit-matters” with which only shaman can deal through the magical ceremony of “gut.” [48]

In Shamanistic system of faith, therefore, if there is any sort of sanctification, it is liberation from evil spirits, i.e., exorcism and this can be achieved only by depending on a charismatic priest called “shaman, moodang.” But it does not know any new creation or imitatio. [49] Therefore Shamanistic idea of sanctification is rather ceremonial, magical and priestly. Since it is still present powerfully in the depth of the Korean religiosity, even Christians tend to depend for their sanctification on charismatic pastors and worship services. It also promoted the fear of demons, favour of exorcism and indifference to morality, all of which greatly affect Korean church life today. [50] Shamanism may be said to be the sub-structure of all religions in Korea rather than merely one of the religions and all the foreign religions have been planted on its soil and have been significantly modified by it in the process of indigenization. [51]

4.2.3 Taoism

Chinese Taoism was introduced as Chinese influence had steadily increased since the 4th century B.C. It entered Korea without much conflict with Shamanism, for both shared religious view for Nature as divine. Moreover, the imported form of Taoism was a Chinese folk religion of sorcery and especially divination to predict fate and make fortune according to the Book of Changes [I-Ching] and its Yin-Yang theory. [52] Unlike Chinese Taoism which is the “only” religion in China, [53] there has been no organized Taoism in Korea except a few instances. [54] Its founder Lao-tsze has not been worshipped and no Taoist temple has been built. This imported folklore was thus completely absorbed into Shamanism and became extremely popular in the superstitious forms of divination, [55] prayers by women to the seven stars of the Great Bear, [56] fortune papers [57] and geomancy for tomb and house. [58]

However, the most powerful influence of Taoism in Korea is the belief in long life and even semi-immortality by way of natural medicine and self-discipline. [59] The most popular and secular way is to take some mysterious natural medicines, for example, mountain ginseng, deer antler, or bear's gall-bladder, which are believed to carry the power of longevity in nature. [60] On the other hand, the more serious and authentic way is to pursue semi-immortality through self-discipline. As it is well known, Taoism pursues a harmonious life with Nature and its ideal is the ultimate union with Nature. Lao-tsze wrote Tao-te ching which means Canon of Morality, but it is ironic that Taoism has no morality in the usual sense. Its ideal is rather the natural man who lives by his own nature rather than some required rule of life extra se. [61] Later, Lao-tsze's teaching on Tao was greatly elaborated by Chang Tsu.

According to Taoist cosmology, [62] Tao, the universal causa sui, is distributed in the form of Virtue in the Nature and Virtue generates individual existence in Matter and Form, whether it is human, animal or thing. [63] Therefore, the essence of all forms of being, including human being as well as animal and plant, is homogeneously Virtue, which is empty, still and clear. [64] However, because Virtue is lost in the generation of Form and Matter, which are mutable and mortal, the restoration of Virtue which is the real self is the way to overcome mortality. This restoration of the original essence can be not achieved through meditation or study but only through the denial of the material self and the material world and liberation from material emotions, in short, return to the Nature. [65] Therefore, the ideal man in Taoist disciplines pursues the attainment of a perfect harmony with the Nature [66] by living in the mysterious rocky mountains and by pure streams as well as attempting to imitate and communicate with some mysterious beings like the “ten long lives” which semi-immortality proves their significant return to the Virtue. [67] Some have claimed that they developed mysterious techniques for communicating with the spiritual Nature and even manipulating the powers of Nature like wind, rain or light. Others developed the technique of Dan as a way to return to the Nature by absorbing enough “spirit [Chi]” of Nature through the disciplined breathing. [68] This naturally led to the development of oriental martial arts like Kung Fu, Taekwondo, Karate, or Judo, because Tao masters tried very hard to discipline their bodies so as to move like bird or tiger. [69] It has therefore been popular among military men. For example, General Yooshin Kim who led the first unification of Korea in 661 was a Tao master [70] and the Wharang community which had decisively contributed to this unification was greatly influenced by Taoism. [71] Because the main object of Taoist worship in China is a legendary warrior called Kwanwoo, Korean Taoists have also worshipped great warriors in the history. [72]

In contrast to Shamanism, Taoism has deeply planted the wish for and idea of religious sanctification in Korean religiosity. It must be a fantastic idea to be an immortal angel through self-discipline. No doubt, Taoistic idea of disciplinary sanctification has some concepts similar to those found in the Christian idea of sanctification: self-denial, hard and continuous discipline, mystical union, immortality, and deification. [73] However, it emphasizes self-discipline and lacks any idea of salvation or grace, [74] though it does teach obedience to the will of the Deity. [75] Moreover, such a mysterious achievement was far beyond the reach of ordinary people. Because it was believed that only a special man called “Tao master,” who leaves his secular life for long and hard discipline in the deep mountains, could attain such a state, an elitism for a few and surrender for many in the pursuit of sanctification have developed.

4.2.4 Buddhism

Buddhism was introduced during the period of the Three Kingdoms, A.D. 372 in Kokuryo, 384 in Baekje, and 535 in Silla, and it was accepted by the initiative of royal house for some political purposes. [76] However, it was strongly resisted by the pre-existent Shamanism until it became transformed to a religion suited to ordinary people. It was so, even though the Buddhism which had been introduced to Korea was already a significantly modified form of Chinese Buddhism and it was also almost a millennium after Buddhism had been originally developed in India. Buddhism had passed through several stages of transformation before it reached Korea. Even after it entered Korea, Buddhism was further syncretized to a large extent with Shamanism, Taoism, Confucianism and even the Hananim religion. [77]

Originally, under the influence of the Upanishad philosophers who insisted on the divinity of man with the belief that God [Brahman] and our self [atman] are the same, Siddhartha Gautama attempted to reform polytheistic Hinduism about the 6th century B.C. with the teaching that enlightenment [bodhi] is the way to the spiritual state of perfect liberation [nirvana] from worldly desires and self-deception. [78] Therefore, to be an enlightened one [buddha] was very much a philosophical and psychological matter. However, as his followers became divided into strict imitators of Gautama's self-discipline (Theravada school) and moderate imitators of Gautama's spirit (Mahayana school) a couple centuries later, it began to be mystified and materialized. [79] Gautama and his distinguished disciples were idolized and innumerable mystical stories were created. The process reached its climax in the development of Tantric Buddhism and mandala methods. [80] Of course, this phenomena may be regarded as the natural development of Gautama's self-contradictory tolerance of some Hinduistic beliefs like metempsychosis of six worlds. In any event, it was especially dominant in the Mahayana school, which main idea is the belief in boddhisattvas who are almost enlightened but prefer to stay in the world to help people, [81] and it was this form of Buddhism that was introduced to Korea through China, where it became even more religious through the creation of Kwanyin, the goddess of mercy, who listens every prayer. [82] Buddhism was no longer an atheistic humanism but a new religion which God is Buddha, though Gautama himself had strongly denied his deity. Buddha's central idea that one could achieve a happy life in being freed from excessive desires and deceptive fantasies and living a harmonious and meditative life has been transformed into a polytheistic religion of deities and demonic spirits.

However, the essence of Buddhism is atheistic humanism, self-salvation through enlightenment and the denial of any worldly reality. Accordingly, Christian dialogue with Buddhism is extremely difficult, unless it is not a very secularized form of Christianity. [83] While Gautama denied any deity or its significance, he gave the great importance to the problem of human sufferings and tried to solve it. Upon his understanding that all changes and changeable things are not real, he taught that human suffering as well as the human self are not real, though people are simply self-deceived and suffer. [84] Everything changes and nothing stays forever, but people do not know this truth and are deceived that the illusory world and its sufferings are real. Gautama became an enlightened one [Buddha], because he understood it by himself through meditation. Though man was in the spiritual bondage of “no understanding” due to a priori and a posteriori causes, his original understanding could be restored by self-discipline. [85] Because it is sensual desires, illusory temptations and worldly attachment that causes the lack of light which results in pain and struggle, [86] the denial of self and worldly realities is the only way to overcome human suffering and achieve true understanding. [87] Strictly speaking, it is a psychological self-hypnotism which seeks perfect peace of mind by denying the reality of every source of pain. To achieve this end, one must first deny all social relationships, including those of family and occupation which had enslaved his mind. So Gautama directed his followers to leave their family and community in order to practise spiritual discipline in a calm atmosphere. Because it is hardly possible to persuade oneself fully that all worldly realities are not real and to separate himself totally from human emotions toward one's family and one's senses, Gautama required a life-long discipline of meditation following his guidelines in order to achieve “sudden enlightenment” and perfect spiritual freedom.

Therefore, only a small number of monks followed him and were engaged fully in the life-long discipline for the Buddhahood. It included both physical and spiritual disciplines, and the negative view of human body demanded a serious effort into ascetic discipline. Further, the sanctified state of the mind was described as “no desire and no thought,” and this leads to an image of the sanctified man as very ascetic and even senseless. This way of sanctification is very similar with the disciplinary sanctification of Taoism, but we will call it meditative sanctification to distinguish it from the former. This form of Buddhistic discipline is called Zen Buddhism, because “zen” means meditation. Two schools of Buddhism have been developed in Korea--Meditation School and Canon School, though there were some attempts to reconcile both schools. [88] The latter emphasizes the reading and studying of the Buddhist canon as a means of sanctification rather than arbitrary meditation in which the only subject is “nothingness.” So this school has taught the notion of canonic sanctification. However, both schools commonly believed the disciplinary process of sanctification to be deification, that is, “to be a Buddha,” and also held to an elitism that only high-level monks who have left his family and engaged in the life-long discipline of meditation or canonic study could achieve it. Therefore, numerous masters insisted that they discovered different ways to achieve it and almost every big mountain in Korea taught their own way. Even the canon could not unify the sects and mountains, because the Buddhist canon is too diverse [89] and it was also practically powerless to the meditation school. Buddhism was very individualistic and futuristic: The world is essentially sinful and the worldly life is not compatible with life of sanctification in any way.

However, the most popular form of Buddhism in Korea developed later: Pure Land Buddhism, [90] which practically gives up the impossible attainment of Nirvana and instead teaches an “easy way for the ordinary people” with a positive view of this world. It requires simply praying as much as possible, and some cumulation of works of mercy. This easy way of attaining happiness both in the present and future life was enthusiastically welcomed by ordinary people and opened the way for Korean mass Buddhism. [91] The idea of the spiritual Nirvana was replaced by the spatial Pure Land of Extreme Joy, while the frightening hell was taught as its counterpart. [92] The way to be reborn into the Pure Land is quite easy: one simply has to chant a short formula prayer to Amitabha Buddha 10 times or more, because salvation comes by the grace of Amitabha. [93] No doubt, this teaching is incompatible with the authentic Buddhism where there is no deity, grace, or prayer. [94] Moreover, it is contradictory that salvation could be achieved through the grace of Amitabha, while Amitabha himself had to achieve it through hard self-discipline. [95] Pure Land Buddhism contains no serious idea of sanctification but only the individualistic wish to go to Paradise in the future life and to live a blessed life here in this world. Prayer is the only way to achieve it. This idea of sanctification by prayer has spoiled Korean people so that they would prefer cheap salvation in word than deed. It also encouraged to seek quantity than quality of prayer, for it promises Buddha's blessing on any request including secular desires in proportion to one's quantity of prayer and later offering. No doubt this is a secularization of Buddhism through reception of popular practice in Shamanism, and this superstitious corruption has given rise to an anti-Buddhistic spirit in Korean society. However, it is this form of Buddhism that has dominated Korean history for almost two millennia, and this was the religious situation where Christianity was introduced.

4.2.5 Confucianism

Confucianism became the official religion of Korea after Buddhism, even though it had been introduced earlier. A Confucian college was established already in A.D. 372 when Buddhism was first introduced to Korea. Further, already in 285 the Confucian scholar Wang-In of Baekje introduced Confucian literature to Japan. [96] In its early stage, it was simply a study of Chinese literature. Until 1392 when a new dynasty declared Confucianism to be its official religion, it had functioned primarily as an educational curriculum in Chinese philosophy both in royal and private institutions. [97] Therefore, all the government officials had been educated in Confucian teachings, and this educational system naturally developed antagonism to Buddhism which had been protected as a safeguarding system for the royal class in line with the Buddhist doctrine of metempsychosis. [98] Confucianism supported the idea that anybody could be a ruler if he succeeded in the discipline of his mind and expand his ability enough to rule.

According to the Confucian cosmology, the world consists of heaven, earth and man, and man controls heaven and earth as the embodiment of both elements, that is, the heavenly mind and earthly body. [99] Because heaven is higher than the earth, this order should be reflected in the mind-body relationship: its disorder causes evil, while the orderly state is regarded as good. [100] Therefore, the ideal state of man is the perfect realization of the heavenly mind by nurturing this a priori human nature [101] through the hard but steady life-long self-discipline [102] of learning, reflection and practice. [103] It is to develop virtues like benevolence, justice, courtesy, wisdom and trust, [104] though the comprehensive and prime virtue called benevolence [jen, in] [105] represents authentic humanity as the reflection of Heaven, Tao, One, Origin or Centre in the ancient Chinese philosophy. [106] Such an ideal man of virtue is called a noble man, benevolent man, great man, wise man, or holy man. [107] Because the ideal humanity of Confucianism is moral as well as socio-political, man has a moral duty to rule his community according to the virtue which he has realized, as it reflects the will of Heaven. [108] Thus two human imperatives are self-discipline and ruling people, and these two are complementary. [109] So the Great Learning describes eight logical steps to self-fulfilment: study, knowledge, sincere will, right mind, self-discipline, command of family, rule of country, and finally control of the world. A man fulfils his great ego of heavenly humanity [jen, in] by ceaselessly overcoming his earthly small ego and following the way of courtesy in every act. [110] Courtesy [li, yeh] is the way to apply the absolute order of heaven-earth to all human relationships, [111] though filial piety toward parents and ancestors is the foundation of all virtues, and loyalty to the ruler as the fixed centre of mind is the proof of self-discovery. [112] Because he was born in an age of such political and moral disorder, Confucius attempted to restore social order by the establishment of an unified value system that he found in the belief in the Will of Heaven, which had been introduced to the political realm by the Duke of Chou five centuries ago. [113] For the restoration of political order, politicians as well as the king, who was called “son of Heaven,” should first know the Will of Heaven. [114] Those who are educated and disciplined in such a way should be honoured and become politicians. [115] So Confucius tried to educate royal princes as well as young people in order to equip them properly as good rulers, [116] because he believed that he was the bearer of the Heaven's Will. [117] He listed three kinds of learning: learning by birth, study and life experience, [118] and advised his disciples not to be bored in learning throughout their whole lives. [119] Practically, it was taught that the only way to achieve the ideal state of man was to study the canon and literature of Confucianism. [120] So, education has been greatly emphasized as the way to fulfil oneself in the society. [121] A good scholar will be a good ruler as well as a good man. [122] We can find here the ideas of scholastic, canonic, and political sanctification.

However, this philosophical Confucianism was replaced by religious Neo-Confucianism in the late 13th century, and the latter is the dominant form of Confucianism in Korea. [123] Neo-Confucianism is a religious form of Confucianism that was syncretized especially with Taoism. [124] Because Confucianism had been significantly altered to anti-emotionalism under the influence of Buddhism, [125] Jung Tsu and Chu Hsi attempted a new system in order to overcome the religious threat of Buddhism, teaching that human emotion [chi] is essential to express human nature [li, ih]. [126] As the Taoistic idea of spirit [chi] was introduced, Confucianism was mystified and believed that the life and death of man is caused by the assembling and scattering of chi. [127] It also held that it takes several generations for the deceased spirit to be totally scattered into the Nature, [128] and it thus became the continued duty of filial piety to serve and take care of the spirits of close ancestors until they were totally scattered back to the Nature. [129] Confucius himself favoured rituals and ceremonies, [130] but his practice was simply the symbolic recognition of traditional rituals out of courtesy, [131] for it seems that he did not really believe in any deity or spirit. [132] Now, however, ancestor worship became practically the most imperative duty of man, [133] and the School of Rites attained prominence with Chu Hsi's Family Rites as well as genealogy of ancestral connections. [134] Moreover, Korean Confucianism modified the feudalistic system of five classes in the Chinese Confucianism, in which emperor, king, high officials, nobility and ordinary people were assigned to worship different classes and generations of object, so that in Korea even ordinary people was required to worship up to four generations. [135] Furthermore, when one's parent, especially the father, dies, three years are to be devoted to repent of any wrongdoing to him and to care for his tomb, sometimes even living beside the tomb. [136] In this social context, forms and rituals have dominated and a legalistic moralism of hypocrisy and pretence has prevailed in Korean Confucianism. Here we see the Shamanistic shadow of ceremonial sanctification, because the rituals of ancestor worship are believed to be decisive for one's happiness and humanity.

Also, its fundamentalistic mentality has subsequently developed sectarianism, provincialism, and endless political conflicts among competing parties. [137] Certainly, such a sectarian conflict was a fundamental departure from the moral virtues which Confucius taught. [138] But it has been thought necessary to keep the purity and orthodoxy of Confucianism, [139] and it has made Korean people confuse the concept of sanctification with that of doctrinal purity or orthodoxy. The Confucian emphasis on scholastic intellectualism with a strong idea of orthodoxy/heresy [140] caused them to be fond of theoretical disputes. And it had a significant effect on the Christian understanding of sanctification in Korea, because it was in the era of Confucianism that Christianity was introduced to Korea and many early Christians were formerly Confucians. [141]

4.3 Three Types of the Doctrine of Sanctification in the Korean Church

Against this background survey of the pre-understandings of the traditional religions, we will now attempt to analyze critically the Korean Church's understanding of sanctification. Three types of the doctrine of sanctification have been taught in the Korean Church: disciplinary, fatalistic, and mystical sanctification.

4.3.1 Disciplinary Sanctification

Disciplinary sanctification was taught emphatically by the Wesleyan Methodist Church. Though it is far smaller than the Presbyterian Church in Korea, the Calvinistic Presbyterian Church too followed the Wesleyan idea in the doctrine of sanctification with the exception of perfectionism. But this is not at all strange when we reflect on the historical background that the first Presbyterian missionaries from America came to Korea under the influence of the Second Great Awakening which had arisen under the leadership of British Wesleyan pietism. [142] So, they were even described as “missionaries of Methodist mentality.” [143] Moreover, they were typically preachers of Puritanical legalism. [144] Further, in the first Christian encounter with the oriental religious culture in the 16th century China, Jesuit missionaries set a standard missionary strategy of “respecting Confucianism and rejecting Buddhism” and made every effort to find out and emphasize the similarities between Confucian and Christian teachings. [145] As a result, natural theology has prevailed, while the unique teachings of Christianity like the doctrine of grace, revelation, faith or Christology have been naturally de-emphasized. [146] So the idea of disciplinary sanctification, which is commonly found in Confucianism (as well as Taoism and Buddhism) and Catholicism, became a standard understanding of Christian sanctification with the result that the element of grace was significantly weakened. Byung-Hun Choi (1858-1927), the first Methodist minister and theologian, who had been “accustomed to the life style of self-discipline as a Confucian and therefore found it easy to accept Christianity through the Wesleyan teaching of gradual sanctification toward the perfect holiness,” [147] delineated the seven stages of sanctification and they were made up from two religious teachings. [148] Also, the first baptised Presbyterian was formerly called “Tao master No” and Sun-Joo Gil, who was one of the first Presbyterian ministers as well as the great leader of the early Presbyterian Church, was formerly known as “Tao master Gil,” because both of them had been engaged in Taoist discipline and had made significant progress in the discipline before they became Christian. [149]

It is significant to recognize that Hyung-Nyong Park (1897-1978), the most influential theologian of the Korean Presbyterian Church, reflected this contextualization in his doctrine of sanctification. Though his monumental seven-volumed Dogmatic Theology is mostly a synthesis of Louis Berkhof, Charles Hodge and other reformed dogmaticians, his doctrine of sanctification is more than that in two respects. [150] First, he emphasizes human cooperation in sanctification, while he firmly states that the subject of sanctification is God. Though it is clear that he is faithfully following Berkhof here, he emphasizes human cooperation by making a new heading, “conscious cooperation.” [151] Second, he strongly suggests “prayer and meditation” as a means of sanctification. [152] While Berkhof listed the Word of God, sacraments and providential guidance, [153] and Hodge listed faith, union with Christ, the inward work of the Spirit, obedience, church and sacraments, etc. [154] as the means of sanctification, Park listed the Word of God, sacraments, prayer and meditation, providential guidance and the persistent use of means. [155] This addition may be regarded as a reflection of the practice within the Korean Church. Also, the additional heading of the “persistent” use of means emphatically reinforces its disciplinary nature. [156] His teaching is fundamentally different from “synergism,” the notion that God and man work together, side by side, for the achievement of sanctification, as he strongly rejected synergism not only in election but also in sanctification. [157]

In practice, however, they are easily confused, especially in a context like Korea where disciplinary sanctification has been traditionally dominant. For it is believed that the Holy Spirit is always ready and willing to help any Christian in sanctification and therefore its working depends decisively upon the human side. Moreover, traditional religions like Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism have followed this idea of human self-discipline, and the Christian virtues are not very different from the traditional virtues. [158] In this respect, Jesus is regarded as a moral example like other saints such as Abraham, Moses, David, or Paul, though a difference in the degree of perfection is appreciated. [159] Critically speaking, self-discipline was possible even without Jesus, for its goal and virtues were already known through the traditions of natural theology, e.g., love, righteousness, holiness, goodness, mercy, faithfulness, humility, patience and the like. Accordingly, Christian virtues which were unfamiliar to the tradition, e.g., joy or freedom were relatively less emphasized in the Korean Church. This idea of sanctification by works has never been fundamentally changed in spite of the introduction of Christianity which teaches salvation by sola gratia. [160] Concerning God's part, it was already believed that “God would help anybody who tries.” Sanctification was difficult without Jesus, but it is difficult even with Jesus because in both cases it is ourselves who should achieve it. Here traditional elitism has served to justify the inactive attitude of “ordinary” Christians that sanctification could be achieved only by a small number of spiritual elite like pastors or elders who devote much time for a hard life-long discipline.

Further, the traditional methods with respect to discipline, which were well developed throughout its long religious history, e.g., study of canon and religious literature, prayer and meditation, good works and charities, etc., have had a dominant influence on the Christian practice, so that Bible study, prayer, and offering have become most popular methods of sanctification in the Korean Church. [161] The love of the Bible is the hallmark of Korean Christianity. The Bible study conference is its strong tradition and all Christians are eager to read the Bible everyday as much as possible. [162] Even a missionary leader exclaimed: “I wonder that there would be any Christian in the world who knows the Bible better than the Korean Christians!” [163] Also, fervent prayer belongs to the heritage of the Korean Church. Departing from traditional prayer to the wrong deities, Korean Christians not only prayed alone at home or on a mountain, but also met together in the church every Wednesday and Friday night as well as every early morning. Fasting prayer, overnight prayer and long-term prayer are popular in the Korean Church. Of course, her rich heritage of Bible study and prayer is praiseworthy and has a strong support from the Biblical and Church traditions. However, the critical analysis of the Korean phenomenon that these have been emphasized at the expense of other important means, like Christian suffering, spiritual struggle for the Kingdom of God, love of God and neighbours including enemies, makes the conclusion inevitable that it was influenced by the traditional ideas of sanctification through study of the canon and prayer.

4.3.2 Fatalistic Sanctification

The idea of fatalistic sanctification developed among the dogmatically-minded Presbyterian predestinarians. The Calvinistic doctrine of predestination has been emphatically taught to Presbyterians who are dominant force in the Korean Church, and it was not distinguished from the doctrine of the divine decree in general. So, to most Presbyterians, God predestined not only election but everything else as well. This logic developed into a fatalistic attitude which is very natural to the Korean tradition of Buddhist karma fatalism or Shamanistic “eight letters” fatalism. [164] Now, everything was believed as “the will of God,” good and bad, success and failure, progress and retrogression. Therefore, even our sanctification is in the will of God, and our work does not make any difference because what we do is sinful and what God does is grace. The God who elected us and justified us will sanctify us and glorify us in due time and in his own way. It seems very Calvinistic, but their lives are not so. There is a kind of defeatism in this fatalistic attitude arising from the fact that their many attempts in the past at disciplinary sanctification have mostly ended in defeat and failure. Also, there is a kind of pious deception as well as hypocrisy. It is influenced by traditional religions rather by the Holy Spirit in whom everything is possible and we are free to be responsible for every act of ours.

The doctrine of sin, even original sin, was not new. Buddhism has always taught that all humans are sinners and even our state of birth is retribution for sins in their former lives, and therefore we have to devote our lives to sanctification as much as possible in order to be liberated from the eternal cycle of metempsychosis or to be reborn in Paradise. Though the beginning of this fatalistic cycle is unknown and the reason why all lives were put into this painful cycle is a mystery, it is a human duty to sanctify himself. Therefore the doctrine of original sin was never questioned in the Korean Church, because it was accepted as a fate. This traditional influence was so powerful that Korean Christians have never questioned the Christian doctrine of sanctification, dangerously assuming that we already know about it. As a result, sanctification was distinguished from salvation, which was identified more with the sola gratia gifts of justification and entrance into Heaven. Sanctification really does not make any difference to salvation itself, though it will affect one's personal rewards. Accordingly, strictly speaking, it has been believed that one can even be saved without any sanctification at all.

4.3.3 Mystical Sanctification

Mystical sanctification is a recent development among Pentecostals, who believe that sanctification is possible only through the baptism of the Holy Spirit. It is also supported by the Holiness Church's Pentecostal interpretation of the Wesleyan doctrine of sanctification. According to Jong-Nam Cho, a leading theologian of the Holiness Church, John Wesley taught that sanctification is gradual in the sense that the initial sanctification at the moment of regeneration advances to entire sanctification through the second blessing of the momentary holiness experience which initiates the life of Christian perfection in the sense of purity of intention, and it is further perfected by glorification. [165] Salvation is freely given by faith, but sanctification is achieved by the second grace of “fire baptism” which burns away all the sinful elements deep in the heart. [166] If there is something in which we can co-operate, it is only to open our hearts and fervently pray and eagerly thirst for it. Though Cho sharply pointed out that Presbyterian soteriology practically stops with justification and that sanctification is the realization of the full grace of God for oneself and one's society here and now, [167] the problem with his understanding is that we have to wait indefinitely for the momentary experience of second blessing, without which no effort at sanctification is possible. It justifies the excuse of the disobedient Christian that he could not obey the command of God, while Scripture presupposes that every Christian is free and capable to obey it.

In the Korean context it is a revival of the Shamanistic motif that moral discipline and magical sanctification do not essentially relate to each other. The revival movement of the 1930's introduced a kind of Shamanistic mystical experience like spirit possession, prophecy, healing through exorcism, mystical hand-rubbing, etc. [168] It has been tolerated by the Korean Church due to the strong tradition of popular Shamanism, and became even more popular after the rise of the Pentecostal movement in the 1970's. This mystical movement identified sanctification simply with the mystical experience of momentary ecstasy, and tended to negate any sanctification without such an experience. Of course, this easier and mystical way was more natural to the Korean people of long Shamanistic tradition. Further, it imitated the priestly or ceremonial sanctification of Shamanism, for Pentecostal Christians give a decisive importance to the magical touch of the servants of God which is believed to possess a mystical power of healing and blessing.

So we may conclude that the Korean churches are seriously confused in the understanding of Christian sanctification. As a result, they are poorly equipped to defend themselves against the massive trend of secularization, and have therefore become quite secularized. Christians are supposed to be the light and salt of the world, but the realities are rather pessimistic. And their faulty assumption that they understand the Christian doctrine of sanctification is more regrettable. In many respects, they are simply confusing Christian sanctification with that of the traditional religions. Therefore they lack the true faith and real power of Christian sanctification with the result that they are frustrated, give up, or mystify it. This is the reason why I chose the study of this doctrine with a wholehearted desire to help Korean Christians in the present struggle against the power of secularization. Karl Barth may be able to help us, for his doctrine of sanctification is richly biblical and powerfully contextual, as we have seen in chapters 2 and 3. It will be our final subject of discussion in the next chapter. However, our analysis of the Korean context will not be complete without the discussion of the secularization of the Korean churches, for it is the very reason and real context for our study. Therefore, we will carefully and critically analyze the real situation of its secularization, and we will conduct this analysis in two sections: its political secularization (4.4) and moral secularization (4.5), according to our definition and categorization as discussed in chapter 1. The detailed explanation of political secularization has been intended not only to emphasize our thesis that it is the root of secularization in general, but also to illuminate the historical development of the Korean church from our perspective.

4.4 Political Secularization

The Korean Church has a strong political tradition. Successively confronted with the Confucian Yi Dynasty, Eastern Teaching, Japanese imperialism and Shintoism, Communism and military dictatorship, she had to make a political decision and take action not to be subjected and secularized by those powers.

4.4.1 Confucianism

The Korean [Catholic] church was destined to pass a long and severe persecution by the Confucian monarchy. As Max Weber understood correctly, the Far East had been under the system of “Caesaropapism,” i.e., the subjection of religion to a royal power. [169] No religion has ever survived in Korea without the approval of the absolute monarch until Christianity broke this law. Because the separation of religion and state had never been known in Korean history, [170] the introduction of Christianity by a group of progressive Confucian scholars in 1784 was regarded as a serious challenge not only to the state but also to the official religion which was then Confucianism. It was the issue of ancestor worship [171] that caused the anger of the Confucian community and the consequent mass persecution of the state, [172] for it violated the most sacred realm of Confucianism. Though some criticize this conflict as unnecessary, it was an inevitable and significant process in the encounter between a humanistic religion and monotheism. In the Confucian system, family is the absolute value and ancestor worship is the religious expression of the value system. Even loyalty to the king is subordinate to filial piety. Therefore, it was essentially “the conflict between the traditional value system of Confucianism and the new value system of Christianity.” [173] The Christian rejection of ancestor worship and its accompanying value system which had been strongly enforced by the state and society with the threat of death was a ground-breaking event that shook the Korean society with a great impact. [174] “It was, in short, the gravest crime a person could possibly commit.” [175] Therefore, Confucianism condemned Christianity as “a heretical religion which serves neither father nor king,” and the Confucian government ordered to kill every Christian, even to the last. [176] The four major executions (1791, 1801, 1839, 1866) resulted in the martyrdom of more than ten thousand Christians who chose to die rather than deny their Christian faith. This number of martyrs may exceed the total number of martyrs during the first three centuries under the persecutions of the Roman empire. [177] After all, the Korean [Catholic] church has survived and set the tradition of political resistance to keep the faith.

Unfortunately, Christianity was regarded as a “western” religion and identified with “western” imperialism. Moreover, the Korean government thought that the best policy against the threat of western imperialism was to close all the doors as tightly as possible to the “western barbarians” and not to allow any western influence. [178] Therefore, Christianity was labelled as “the Western Teaching” and Christians were regarded as collaborators with western imperialism. [179] This spirit of resistance as well as anxiety gave rise to a new anti-western religious movement, which by way of opposition was named “the Eastern Teaching.” This religion advocated overcoming the military threat of western imperialism through the spiritual power of the eastern religions and suddenly became a major religion in Korea during the period of imperialistic invasion (1876-1945). Soo Woon Choi, the founder of this religion, studied Confucianism and Buddhism but concluded that they could be the religions suited for the future. “When I heard this [the arrival of Christianity],” he said, “I pondered over it a great deal, and wondered if their Doctrine could be true.” [180] In 1860 when China was subjugated by Christian imperialists, however, he was so disappointed with the imperialistic character of the western Christianity [181] that he founded his own anti-western religion. The people's massacre of Christians which happened in China was therefore quite probable to take place in Korea. But it is fortunate that both religions became comrades when the western threat had been withdrawn and Korea as a whole had been alerted to the new threat of Japanese imperialism.

4.4.2 Imperialism

The Korean [Protestant] church had been planted by American missionaries in the politically critical time when the imperialist Japan had gradually invaded Korea. Then, the Korean people who had enjoyed peace for a long time in the isolated hermit nation was totally powerless when they found themselves suddenly surrounded by the imperialist powers of the West, Russia and Japan. The king was scared, the government was corrupt, and the people were hopeless. To them, American missionaries were kind and trustworthy, so that many desperate people came to them for protection and guidance. [182] In the Christian faith and under the protection of the missionaries they found safety and courage to resist the imperialist invasion. So the Christian church became the center of resistance to the imperialist Japan.

As a matter of fact, the opening of the Protestant mission in Korea was granted by the king, when Horace N. Allen, the first medical missionary, saved the life of a prince who was seriously injured by a coup attack in 1884. This service made it possible to obtain the extreme favour and trust of the royal family. [183] And as the missionaries and Christians prepared a great celebration in honour of the king's birthday, “Christianity was widely and favourably advertised throughout the country” as a very loyal and patriotic religion. [184] Furthermore, since the queen was powerlessly murdered by the Japanese mob in 1895, the king depended so much on American missionaries that two missionaries were on guard near the king each night and the king's meal was supplied or checked by them. [185] In this kind of intense situation, it is natural that great personal affection would develop between the king and missionaries. So the king even suggested that he and all the court be baptized and that the Presbyterian Church be established as the national religion in order to save the country. And he sent missionaries to get help from the American government. [186] However, the missionaries had neither the ability nor the willingness to change the cold international politics among the imperialist powers, though a few tried in vain to get diplomatic help from the American government.

In this context western theology generally fails to recognize an important theological problem in political secularization. Imperialism is a great sin of “collective egotism,” to use Reinhold Niebuhr's term, which steals the weak neighbour's land and everything in it by weapons. It has also caused the immense spiritual damage of inter-national hate and psychological injury to the national consciousness and mentality. No doubt, the “Christian” countries had to use their blessings to help weak neighbours by Word and deed. If so, the Christian missions in the non-western world might have been far easier. But it was the “Christian” countries who sailed greedily to the end of the world to discover all the weak countries and stole from them as much as possible. Moreover, it is regrettable that the western churches have never condemned this greatest sin [187] but rather praised their military might, justified their invasions, and even thanked God for their conquests. [188] Of course, this reveals how seriously western Christianity has been secularized, and this “mega trend” of political secularization was initiated already in the 16th century by the church's subjection to the state, as we discussed earlier. [189] As a result, the church lost its political freedom and generally tended to identify politically with the state without any proper criticism from the biblical point of view. Though other western countries criticized the collaboration of the German Church with the Hitler's imperialist regime, the western “Christian” countries failed altogether to resist secular imperialism. [190] Some western missiologists as well as non-western Liberation theologians have condemned imperialism, but the contemporary reluctance of the western churches to condemn their capitalistic imperialism seems to show that western Christianity is still under the power of political secularization. Therefore, I conclude that the imperialism of the western “Christendom” through which the western Christian countries altogether have stolen from non-Christian countries for more than four centuries, i.e., from Columbus to the end of the Second World War, with the blessing of the church is the greatest sin the Christian church has ever been committed.

Spencer J. Palmer recently insisted that the Protestant missionaries in Korea had no connection with western imperialism but identified with the national feelings against the Japanese imperialism. [191] No doubt, this is an exact description of the early missionaries' self-consciousness. As expressed in the 1901 Guidelines on the church and politics, they believed in the separation of the church and state and taught the political neutrality of the church. [192] And the American position of international neutrality made it possible for the American missionaries to obtain the favour and trust of the king. [193]

But there were two problems. One was the misapplication of the separation principle between the church and state to the Korean situation, because what they attempted to prohibit was not a matter of internal politics but the national resistance against the Japanese invasion, which had to involve the whole nation, including the churches. Therefore, the Korean Christians could not understand the missionary teaching of political neutrality in the national crisis of imperialistic invasion:

The missionary position of neutrality meant the silent recognition of the Japanese invasion. So it was an easy policy for the missionaries to keep. But the Korean people who had the Christian spirit of freedom and were acquainted with international law could not be silent. The Korean Christians had believed the missionaries to be the apostles of righteousness and justice. Therefore, they expected genuine advice and support from the missionaries, but the latter simply adhered to the neutral position. The result was a great disappointment, and the Korean Christians became to think that Christianity is not a religion of universal love and the missionaries are not the apostles of peace, but that Christianity is the religion of imperialism and the missionaries are the supporters of imperialism. [194]

As a result, some left the church in great disappointment, [195] while among those who remained there arose a distrust and reservation toward the missionaries until they reconciled in the Great Revival Movement later.

The other problem is the background of their neutrality position. On biblical grounds alone, they could not teach that the church should be neutral toward the imperialist invasion of a peaceful country. It was later revealed that “In 1905 Japanese Prime Minister Katsura Taro met secretly with William Howard Taft, the American Secretary of War, who was on a visit to Tokyo” and that “The result of their deliberations was the Taft-Katsura Agreement, in which the United States recognized Japan's interests in Korea in return for a Japanese promise not to interfere or raise objections over American rule in the Philippines.” [196] This secret agreement was followed by the silent withdrawal of the American embassy from Korea. Accordingly, the American government put political pressure upon the missionaries to take a neutral position in the Japanese matter in order to stay in Korea. [197] However, the fundamental problem was their political mind-set which had been shaped in the imperialist atmosphere. For the most part, they were personally kind, evangelical, and compassionate, but they were also culturally proud, rationalistic, and imperialistic, probably because they had been raised in churches where imperialism had not been condemned. So it would have been natural for them to advise that Korea would benefit from Japanese occupation. A missionary letter written at that time witnesses to this attitude: “To the Korean people, we have advised to obey the Japanese `with a joyful mind' and not to resist them for their independence. And, we have never condemned or hindered the Japanese control of Korea. Personally, I spent many hours to explain to the church leaders and mission school teachers that the Japanese control would be beneficial to Korea. And, I think that this was the attitude of all the missionaries without any exception.” [198] There were some exceptions, [199] but this was general attitude. Therefore, as L. G. Paik correctly pointed out, the American missionaries did not keep the neutral position on the Japanese imperialism but sided with the enemy of Korea. [200] Some missionaries were even actively involved in the collaboration with the American and Japanese government for the successful occupation of Korea. [201] Of course, the Japanese churches, which missionaries had very close connections with the missionaries in Korea, had celebrated the Japanese occupation of Korea with the proclamation that it was according to the will of God. [202] As a matter of fact, Japan would not be able to occupy Korea easily without the inter-imperialist consent of the western countries, especially America.

Nevertheless, the Korean Mission was different from the China Inland Mission of Hudson Taylor who excluded not only any political participation but also any social program in their missionary work. From the start Protestant missionaries in Korea established hospitals to heal the sick and schools to educate the people, in addition to their strong evangelistic efforts. They also tried to protect the king from Japanese mobs and Christians from the corrupt officials. It is this holistic approach that has formed the Korean perception of Christian salvation as liberation not only from sin and death but also from disease, poverty and ignorance. [203] Such view was in harmony with the traditional understanding of religious salvation in Korea. [204] So the early Korean Christians had naturally believed in social, national and political salvation and preferred to read Exodus, Prophets, Esther and Apocalypse politically in order to apply them to the Korean political situations. [205] The Bible was the most powerful message for the holistic salvation and Korean Christians were strongly encouraged to participate in the anti-imperialist resistance movement for national salvation. [206] Therefore, in spite of the missionaries' opposition, the Korean Christians actively participated in the political resistance, and this biblical conviction contributed to the strong political tradition of the Korean Church. [207]

Due to the weakness of the central government among the competing imperialist powers, the corruption of local officials was prevalent at the turn of the century. As we said earlier, it was an important reason for many oppressed Koreans to turn to the Christian missionaries in this period. The American missionaries of democratic spirit strongly defended the Christians who had suffered the injustice of the corrupt officials and powerfully protested for its correction. The early Christians soon learned this democratic spirit and human rights from their missionaries and courageously practised it against the corrupt officials. It was so successful that even the corrupt officials became afraid of Christians. [208] Thus, political consciousness has developed among the Korean Christians and they led Korean politics until now. It was amazing for the early Korean Christians to experience spiritually political freedom from any worldly powers, including the Korean government and foreign imperialist threats with the belief in the Kingdom of God. [209] As a matter of fact, “the progressive, democratic spirit of American Protestantism made the institutions founded by missionaries the natural breeding places for leaders of the resistance.” [210] The Independence Association [1896-1898], which was the main organ of the resistance against foreign powers and initiated the following generations of the independent movements, consisted mostly of Christians, including its founder Chae Pil Suh who was the first to be educated and receive a doctorate in America, though it was unfortunately dissolved by the order of the king under foreign influence for its confrontation with the Japanese-backed Imperial Association. [211] As soon as Japan defeated her powerful rival Russia (1905), she immediately proceeded with the imperialist plan to occupy Korea and forced the Korean government to sign the Protectorate Treaty which required to surrender all its diplomatic power to the supervision of D. W. Stevens, the Japanese-employed American foreign advisor, for the easy transition to Japanese occupation. This tragic end of Korean sovereignty was vigorously resisted by the Korean Christians, who cried to God for national salvation in special prayer meetings, resisted Japanese taxation, committed some patriotic suicides, and even assassinated some leaders of Japanese occupation like the above-mentioned D. W. Stevens and Ito Hirobumi, the Japanese Governor-General in Korea. [212]

In this period [1901-1910], therefore, the emotional tension between the pro-Japanese missionaries and the anti-Japanese Korean Christians had sharply intensified, and this critical situation demanded some kind of reconciliation for the further progress of Christianity in Korea. Some missionaries were even threatened with death for their pro-Japanese speeches or activities. [213] The Great Revival Movement was then initiated in 1903 by a missionary who believed that the only way to break this ecclesiastical crisis caused by the difference of the political opinion would be the baptism of the Holy Spirit. [214] This reached its climax in the legendary 1907 Pyoung-Yang Bible Conference. [215] Though its timing corresponds with the world-wide rise of Pentecostalism and the latter's influence can not be denied, the Korean phenomenon was distinctly a repentance movement. The missionaries' repentance of their imperialistic attitudes met with a massive response in the Korean repentance of their hatred of missionaries as well as their personal sins, and followed by the tearful forgiveness of each other and their common gratitude to God. This event mysteriously reconciled both parts of them in the unity of the Holy Spirit. [216] However, it should be pointed out that the American missionaries did not change their political attitudes even in this great repentance movement but rather used the favourable relationship to finally persuade the Korean Christians to accept Japanese control and pursue a pietistic Christian life. Because the reconciliatory atmosphere of the Great Revivals was so powerful and the fate of Korea appeared so hopeless, the Korean Christians gradually surrendered their anti-imperialist resistance and identified with the missionaries for the pursuit of spiritual comfort and future life. No doubt, this movement functioned a kind of religious “catharsis” for the loss of their country. [217] Some missionaries believed that the church had been politically purified, but most Korean church historians understand this change as the beginning of political secularization. [218] As the Korean Church passed through this spiritual experience and political compromise, she learned to obey any political power and thus lost her political freedom. Through the Great Revival Movement the church grew remarkably more than ten times from 19,000 in 1900 to 226,000 in 1910, though the new converts in this period understood Christianity as an a-political religion.

Since the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910, however, the Japanese rulers were most afraid of the Christian community because at the time it was the most powerful organization in Korea which was also protected by western missionaries. [219] So they attempted to weaken the Korean church in several ways in order to reduce it to a state of total submission. One of the first attempts was the arrest and torture of more than one hundred Christian leaders [1911-1915] on the fabricated charge of the assassination of the governor, though its falsity was clearly revealed in the process of investigation and it helped to arouse the political consciousness of the Korean church from spiritual compromise. [220] Another attempt was the Japanization of the Korean church, for which purpose the Japanese government invited the Congregational church of Japan in 1911, with a great financial and political support, to plant “Japanese” churches. But this project also failed, as they could not become a major denomination. [221] Because such early attempts failed, the Japanese government proclaimed two religious laws in 1915. One was the Religious Propaganda Law, which required permission for a new church as well as reports of church statistics and activities, so that the Korean churches could be tightly controlled. [222] The other was the Private [Religious] School Law, which prohibited mission schools from teaching the Bible or worship in the chapel. [223] The pro-Japanese Methodist schools immediately followed this Law and stopped their religious activities, while the Presbyterian schools appealed to the government for reconsideration and prayed the law be withdrawn before the end of the probation period. [224] Such persecutory measures gradually restricted the religious communities, especially the Christian church, and the severity of military police control in the first decade of Japanese occupation provoked the Korean people to the limit of their endurance.

Finally, the Korean people stood up against Japanese rule in the 1919 March First Movement, proclaimed the Declaration of Independence signed by 33 representatives of the people, and engaged in a nation-wide peaceful protest demonstration for three months. [225] More than two million people participated in the 1542 demonstrations. The Japanese soldiers and policemen violently killed 7,509 Korean people and injured 15,961 by inhuman torture. The Korean church participated actively in this anti-imperialist resistance. Though the Christians consisted of less than two percent of the population, half of the 33 representatives were Christians, including several pastors, and the Christians who were killed or arrested reached a quarter of the whole. [226] The result was disastrous to both sides. The Japanese government was unanimously criticized by international communities who had been informed by the western missionaries, and sent a new Governor who abrogated “military rule” and attempted “cultural rule.” The two religious laws which we mentioned above were actually withdrawn. [227] Also, the young and small Korean church suffered too much but, most of all, it developed political defeatism.

So, the rekindled political consciousness did not last long. In the 1920's the Korean church was divided into two directions. [228] One was the social salvation movement, emphasizing economic, agricultural, industrial, and social ethical programs for the ultimate achievement of national independence, which was later confessed by the Ecumenical Council of the Korean churches in the 1932 Social Creed. [229] The other was the futuristic revival movements inclined toward mystical experience. While the Great Revival in the earlier period could be characterized as a repentance and Bible study movement and prayer for the divine intervention “here and now” in the Korean political situation of imperialist occupation, the revival movement in the 1920's emphasized the after-life heavenly kingdom and the miraculous physical healing. [230] Either way, the Korean churches suffered from political defeatism and gave up their political duty as the citizens of the Kingdom of God. As we have seen, the Korean church had been politically confused by the imperialistic western missionaries and showed ambivalent attitudes in the confrontation with the political evil of imperialism. Moreover, this failure set the wrong tradition of political “neutrality” which has continued to secularize the Korean church politically until now.

4.4.3 Shintoism

As imperialist Japan expanded to China and prepared for the Second World War in the alliance with Hitler's Germany in the late 1930's, the notorious “assimilation” policy was born and applied to Korea with increasing severity, [231] and the Korean church was confronted with the final test of the Christian faith, that is, the worship of the Japanese Shinto deities. “The Koreans, the Japanese decided, were now to become Japanese. The Korean language and culture were to be eradicated and the new generation was to be taught to think, act and speak just like native Japanese.” [232] This policy of Japanization was applied to every area of life. The use of Japanese language was exclusively enforced in all schools and meetings, including Christian worship services, with the strict prohibition of Korean language. Further, all Koreans were ordered to change their Korean names to Japanese ones. Moreover, all Koreans, including Christians, were compelled to worship at Japanese Shinto shrines. Anybody who refused was imprisoned and tortured. [233] Later, the churches were ordered to confess the Imperial Oath and bow down three times toward the east where the Japanese emperor resides in every worship service, and even to place symbols of the Shinto deities behind the pulpit and remove the Old Testament and the Book of Revelation from the Bible. [234]

Of course, it is customary that imperialist rule uses religion for effective control as well as the propaganda of their beliefs, and it is even more so in the case of Japanese imperialism. [235] Shintoism is the Japan's indigenous syncretic religion of the “agricultural cult, nature worship, ancestor worship, and shamanism” [236] with a hierarchical organization of polytheistic local deities under the headship of the Sun-goddess Amaterasu. [237] When Buddhism entered Japan, this inferior religion was easily absorbed by Buddhism until some nationalists attempted to separate Shintoism from Buddhism and revive it as the national religion for political purposes and the Meiji imperialist regime adopted this idea in 1869. [238] Already in 1890 the Japanese government issued a law which required all the Japanese to bow to Shinto shrines, and it was courageously refused by Uchimura Ganzo, a Christian leader, and his followers even though this “conflict between the demands of imperialistic nationalism and religious freedom” invited persecution. [239] Now, this imperialistic religion was imposed on all Koreans, so that all Korean religions could be Japanized and they would survive only under submission to the Japanese Shinto deities. To the Korean Christians as well as the western missionaries, this must clearly be a spiritual idolatry which should be resisted.

However, it is regrettable that the majority of the Korean Christians failed to refuse to worship the imperialistic Shinto deities. [240] In 1936 the Vatican surprisingly issued permission to the Shinto shrine ceremony, which had been prohibited since the 1918 Vatican condemnation of it. [241] It was immediately followed by the pro-Japanese Methodist church, which bishop had once condemned the German church for its collaboration with the imperialist Hitler regime. [242] On the other hand, the Presbyterian church had strongly refused, [243] until she was forced to make the permissive decision in the 1938 General Assembly, where 93 policemen sat among 193 representatives. [244] All of them failed to resist the worship of the Shinto imperialism, justifying by the Japanese suggestion that it was not a religious act but a civil duty. Thus, the Korean church was hopelessly secularized to the point of total submission to the imperialist power, and the pastors were even baptised in the name of the Shinto Goddess for “purification” from anti-imperialism. [245] So, the Church was busy praying and donating to the imperialist war effort. More than five thousand church bells were donated to make weapons and church offerings were collected to purchase military planes. [246] Church worship was corrupted by the addition of Shinto elements, and a symbol of the Shinto Goddess was placed in every Christian home. [247] After the Korean church was spiritually Japanized by submitting her to the Shinto deities, they finally attempted to Japanize the Korean Church organically. Since the Japanese churches had been forcedly reconstructed and unified into the pro-imperialist United Church of Christ in Japan according to the notorious Religious Organizations Law of 1939, [248] all the Korean churches were ordered to dissolve their denominations and to be absorbed into the Japanese Church. [249] No doubt, this is the greatest shame and political secularization in the history of the Korean Church. [250]

Why had the Korean Church of good reputation failed so powerlessly in the confrontation with the Japanese Shintoism? First, the Korean Church had been taught to obey the Japanese government by the missionaries since 1901. As discussed earlier, the resistance to the political evil [imperialism] was prohibited by them and their active participation to keep their God-given political freedom was discouraged. As a result, political submissiveness became the standard political attitude in the Korean Church. Second, the revival movement became gradually secularized it since the 1920's, so that the Shamanistic motif of physical blessing and mystical experience in the present life tended to exclude suffering for the pursuit of His will and Kingdom. [251] As mentioned above, the Methodist Church led the pro-government actions of political compromise, and a research survey shows that the majority (67%) of Korean Methodists prefer “the blessed life in this world” as their ultimate wish in comparison with only 4% of the Presbyterians. [252] Therefore, it is possible to connect this worldly tendency with the Methodist theology that had originated in Pietism. [253] The early missionaries, including Presbyterians, were mostly of the “Methodist type,” having come to Korea under the influence of the pietistic Great Awakening in America. Therefore, pietism as well as mysticism, which tends to be satisfied with our religious feeling or mystical experience in the present and to abhor political participation, could possibly arouse the indigenous Shamanistic motif in the revival movements. This development could weaken the Korean Christians enough for them to avoid suffering for political resistance. So the theological analysis that the political failures of both the German Church under Hitler's Nationalism and the Korean Church under the Japanese Imperialism share pietistic background is quite possible and probable. [254] Third, the pro-Japanese liberal theology developed in this period [255] and justified the Christian worship of Japanese imperialist deities. The liberal pioneer Jae Joon Kim, who could not succeed in the 1930's under the theological leadership of the conservative theologian Hyung Nyong Park, rose to the surface, as the Presbyterian Seminary closed its doors in 1938 so as not to worship the Shinto deities in 1938 and Park left the country. Declaring that the era of the western missionaries had ended, he and some Japan-educated theologians established a liberal seminary. [256] Its official purpose was “to cultivate the pro-Japanese Christian pastors” and therefore students and professors of the seminary had worshipped regularly at the Shinto shrines. [257] As seen in the German Church, liberal theology fails to resist political secularization because of its rational character. So those liberals who had advocated historical consciousness shamelessly bowed down to the heroic political power, and their de-westernization was nothing but the Japanization of the Korean Church. [258]

However, many faithful pastors and Christians courageously resisted Shinto worship, though they were only a small portion of the Korean Church. [259] Some fled to the mountains or countryside as well as to foreign countries to keep the faith, while some did not avoid a direct confrontation and even protested to the Japanese government and the Parliament. Many Christians stopped attending church services because of the corruption present and preferred to form small underground worshipping communities. Since 1939 “all Christians who would not worship the Shinto gods were imprisoned.” [260] This was determined by their being asked three questions: “Is Shinto worship religious or civil?,” “Who is superior, the Shinto Goddess or Christ?,” and “Which is first, the empire or the Christian faith?” [261] The number of imprisoned Christians until the fall of Japan in 1945 reached more than two thousand and they were inhumanly tortured, some even to death. [262] It is remarkable that they were neither nationalistic nor futuristic nor mystical. [263] They strongly believed in the fall of imperialist Japan in the providence of God and the suffering of Christians in confrontation with powers of darkness in this world out of the pure loyalty to the Kingdom of God. In a word, they were the “remnants” of the Korean Church, the “seven thousand in Israel who have not bowed down to Baal.”

But, they were not really welcomed or honoured by the leaders of the liberated Korean Church in 1945. Their cries for national repentance and renewal of the spiritually secularized Korean Church was not heard willingly, but they were gradually alienated so that they formed a minor denomination. [264] Similar to what happened in Korean politics where pro-Japanese officials regained power, those who bowed down to the Shinto shrines have gradually regained ecclesiastical power through the church separation led by the condemned Jae Joon Kim in 1953 and political control of the ecumenical council [KNCC]. [265] They are still shamelessly defending their “unwilling” Shinto worship, while unrepentantly criticizing the “self-righteousness” of the resisters. [266] Thus the Korean Church has not only politically secularized by participating in the imperialist Shinto worship, but also morally secularized in justifying their political sins.

4.4.4 Communism

As soon as the Korean Church was finally liberated from Japanese imperialism in 1945, she was confronted with Marxist Communism. Ironically, Korean Communism was first introduced by Christians simply as a political and diplomatic organ for national independence and social reform. The Korean Communist Party was organized by a Christian leader in 1918, and a Christian elder went to Moscow to participate in the 1922 International Socialist Conference together with a Christian leader who had been educated in a seminary. [267] Soon, however, it was clearly revealed that the Christianity and Marxist Communism were incompatible, as [non-Christian] Communists began to advocate the Marxist criticism of religion and murdered many Christians from 1925. [268] But the full-scale confrontation with Communism came after the Liberation in the Russian-controlled North, where Christianity was very strong.

At the end of 1945 there were a quarter million Christians and the Christian-led Korea Democratic Party with a half million members in North Korea, while the North Korean Communist Party had only 4,500 members. [269] Though the Christians consisted of a small portion of the population, the Christian Church was “the greatest and strongest organization with all the leaders and intellectuals” in the North. [270] But, it is hardly believable that the Christian Church was totally defeated by the Communist Party. Even though Russia gradually provided political and military power to the Communists, even before the Communist government had been established (1948), the Christian leaders and politicians hurried to flee to the South, giving up resistance to Communist rule. The above-mentioned Korea Democratic Party under the leadership of a respected Christian elder simply moved its headquarters to Seoul in early 1946 when the Communists pressured him to resign. The Christian leaders had led the escape movement to the South since 1945 already, which was followed by two million people, including the majority of the Christians in the North. [271] Since North Korea had no longer any organization or leadership to resist Communist rule, it easily became a Communist country and the Korean people were separated into the North and the South. Also, this political failure of the North Korean Church brought the greatest disaster in Korean history--the Korean War.

Two reasons could be adduced to explain why they failed. One is their fear of political confrontation and an escapist mentality. When they were faced by the severity of the communist behaviour, the Christians could see the revivified ghost of the inhuman Japanese against whom they had helplessly failed. Moreover, they had been educated not to resist any political power. The other is the collaboration of some Christians with the Communists. In 1946, the pro-Communist Christian Confederation was organized and destroyed any Christian unity in the political action. [272] It must seen as a result of the liberal theology which had theologically justified political compromise under Japanese imperialism. For those who had collaborated with Shinto imperialism, the political compromise with the Communists would have been much easier. It is regrettable that both reasons are the extension of the political secularization under Japanese imperialism. Now that the Cold War is over today, the Korean churches are busy finding a way to reunify Korea and re-evangelize the North. Positive relationships and emotional reconciliation are now required rather than fear or hate for the ultimate goal of the political sanctification of North Korea, where the totalitarian regime still adheres to anti-religious Marxist Communism.

4.4.5 Christian Government

The Korean Church was given a first and last opportunity to have a Christian president and “Christian” government in the 1950's [1948-1960], [273] but failed to relate properly to the “secular” government. As soon as Korea was liberated from the Japanese occupation in 1945, Syngman Rhee, an old devout Christian patriot, returned to Korea after 33 years of political exile and became the first president of Korea in 1948. Most members of the Cabinet and Parliament as well as important positions were filled by Christians due to the President's personal favour as well as the democratic ability of the Christians which had been exercised in church activities. Therefore, the politically unsophisticated Korean Church naively believed that it was a “Christian” government simply because it was led by the “Christian” president and officials, full-heartedly blessed the government, and enjoyed every privilege given to the Christian minority [less than 5%]. [274]

The Korean Church did not theologically understand the spiritual nature of the state or political power and therefore “failed to be critical on the sinful desires of this `Christian elder' president for the political power.” [275] To rule a nation which had been fully exploited by the Japanese imperialists for 36 years and then again totally destroyed by the Korean War would not be easy, but the decisive failure of this Christian president was rather political. Eliminating his political enemies, he repeatedly amended the Constitution [in 1952 for re-election, in 1954 for third election, and in 1958 even for fourth election] with force and deceit solely in order to extend his rule. [276] Still, the Church as well as the Government did not recognize how seriously it was politically secularized, until it was tragically overthrown by the Student Revolution in 1960 for its massive injustice and decay. [277] Thereafter, the Korean church has often been accused as “a pro-government group” that is always loyal to any government in the Korean society.

4.4.6 Military Dictatorship

The Korean Church has been confronted with the political power of military dictatorship since the 1961 military coup and polarized into two extreme positions: consistent support and permanent resistance. In fact, the military coup was first welcomed both by the NCC and the non-NCC groups of the Korean Church. [278] However, when the military coup leaders did not keep their promise to return to the army camp but established their own military government, those two groups announced opposite positions. [279] Thereafter, the NCC group has continuously protested against the extension of the military regime and the grave injustices committed in the name of economic and military security, until the military regimes of the assassinated Park (1979) and the disgraced Jun (1988) ended. It is now generally agreed that they courageously led the resistance movement against the military regimes and decisively contributed to the restoration of democracy at the end of 1980's. In contrast, the conservative non-NCC group of the Korean Church has shamelessly supported the military governments by proudly participating in the Presidential breakfast prayer to bless the military regimes, prohibiting any government criticism within the church, and even publishing support documents for the controversial matters of the government. [280] It is not very surprising, because it has been the political tradition of the Korean Church since 1901, as we have seen above. The Church simply did not overcome the political secularization of the past.

On the other hand, it is regrettable that the NCC group also fell into political secularization by uncritically identifying with any anti-government group, [281] employing some Marxist methods of violent protest and labour instigation, and introducing the theology of secularization to develop the theological framework for political resistance, widely known as “Minjung Theology.” [282] Thus, they identified with some contemporary ideologies like Marxist revolutionism, politicism, secularism, and materialism rather than the Christian way of struggle and solution, and therefore it is now widely rejected by the both groups of the Korean Church. If the conservative theologians had joined this resistance movement and cooperated to develop some theological grounds for it, both groups would not have suffered this kind of political secularization. But, it is unfortunate that political resistance was led by a small group of extremely liberal theologians under alien influence.

Most of all, it was shaped by Liberation Theology and its Marxist methodologies through the channel of WCC. The Student Revolution was “a great shock to the Korean Church,” [283] and it was followed by the Military Revolution in the next year. Both revolutions succeeded in overthrowing the government, and the Christian resistant group was quite inspired by them in the confidence that they too could overthrow the government through a political revolution. However, its concrete theological conviction came through the WCC, the Korean branch of which [NCC] led the anti-government movement with the full use of the diplomatic power of the WCC. The theological development of the WCC during the 1960's and 70's has concentrated in socio-political participation and coined the powerful term “Missio Dei” for its socio-political mission at the 1972 Bangkok Assembly. [284] Accordingly, the WCC has strongly supported the NCC-led resistance movement against the military dictatorship in Korea and encouraged her to learn from the Liberation Theology of Latin America. So political theologies, including Liberation Theology, were introduced to Korea in the early 1970's and decisively shaped the Korean theology of political resistance. [285] Also, the WCC's acceptance of the Roman Catholic Church as an official member of its Faith and Order at the 1968 Assembly, together with the official endorsement of Liberation Theology at the 1968 Medellin Conference of Latin American Catholicism, has made it possible for the NCC to cooperate with the Korean Catholic Church in the anti-dictatorship resistance thereafter. As it is well known, Liberation Theology adopts the Marxist theory of class struggle on the basis of materialism. So the emphasis on the poor and the economic class struggle has suddenly appeared in the non-economic resistance against military dictatorship. Such a Marxist idea was totally new not only to the Korean Church in general but even to the resisters themselves. It was originally a political struggle for democracy, but it has now became a class struggle of the poor against the rich. This change has been dubiously compromised by identifying themselves as the economically and politically oppressed, but this syncretic theory does not explain the politically oppressed but the rich (or vice versa). Further, it raises the fundamental question: What is the ultimate goal of Christianity? They insist that it is a democratic society with economic equality in this world. If that is so, it would not be necessarily “Christian” and the personal Saviour would not be necessary. As a presupposition for right theology, partisanship with the poor is required because God is unconditionally on the side of the poor, but Liberation Theology fails to understand passages like Ex 23.3, Lev 19.15, Prov 22.2. In fact, they are the spiritual victims of secular materialism, but this idolatry of Mammon and Christianity cannot stand together. [286] Furthermore, it falls into the pitfall of politicism, which believes that politics solves every problem. From the Christian point of view, “Everything is political, but politics is not everything.” Christianity aims at solving fundamental problems which politics cannot solve, including the problem of politics itself. Politicism is a grave misunderstanding of Christianity. And their Zealot Christology simply does not fit authentic Christian theology.

It was also influenced by the Secularization Theology and its liberal rationality. Most Minjung theologians were advocates of the Secularization Theology in the 1960's and belong to the most liberal denomination in Korea. [287] Nam-Dong Suh, the leading Minjung theologian, said in 1965: “I believe that theological atheism will greatly contribute to a clear understanding of the Christian faith as well as a vivid development of Christian theology... And I think that the right way to overcome atheism is always through natural theology. Therefore, [we have] to develop a new natural theology or philosophical theology.” [288] Belief in the transcendental personal God or the divinity of Jesus is simply denied. [289] Jesus is “not the Messiah for the Minjung” but “a personification or collective symbol of the Minjung.” [290] Though they suggest that the biblical ground for the Minjung is found in the Markan concept of ochlos [the crowd or the people], it is quite selective, arbitrary and tendentious. [291] And they do not really depend on the authority of the Bible when they reject the other Gospels and the Pauline epistles as well as other parts of the Bible, insisting that they are contaminated by the ideology of the ruling class. The criticism that the Minjung Theology romanticized the ochlos-minjung and idolized [deified] the minjung [292] is quite correct, and thus secularized the political resistance of the Korean Church. Therefore, “Minjung Theology is a humanism. God is replaced by the human Minjung.” [293] And the Christian soteriology by grace is replaced by the humanistic soteriology by works and self-redemption. [294]

Further, it was directed by the indigenization movement and motivated by anti-western nationalism. During his rule (1961-1979) the military dictator Park encouraged Koreanology and the development of the Korean system in every area of life, partly because it was a way to justify his “Yooshin system,” his invention of “Korean” democracy, which abolished the direct election of the president and Parliament as well as the emendation of the Constitution by the public vote, insisting that the Korean democracy should be distinguished from western democracy. Nationalism and Koreanology flourished in every area with full support of the government and “Koreanization” has been advocated in every field and scholarship. It is in this atmosphere that the indigenization movement arose in the field of theology as an attempt to establish a distinctly “Korean” theology. [295] As Ryu correctly pointed out, “A characteristic of the Korean theology in the 1960s is the search for an indigenous theology and the popularity of the Secularization Theology. Already here were being born the Minjung Theology, for it is an indigenized secularization theology.” [296] The extreme praise of the Korean cult Moonism [the Unification Church] by the leading Minjung theologian demonstrates its nationalistic spirit. [297] Therefore, it is interesting to compare Moonism and Minjung Theology, both of which are the good examples of “Christian theology degenerating into syncretism in the process of contextualization.” [298] On the other hand, indigenization or contextualization was a universal trend in post-colonial theology. Therefore, the NCC theologians of the Korean Church, as the biggest Protestant church in Asia, was psychologically pressed to create something “Korean” in the theological atmosphere that some indigenous theologies of the Third World churches had already been presented to the WCC-led international forums. [299] So international expectation and domestic mood worked together to create Minjung Theology. Here, the Liberation Theology of Latin America inseminated the anti-western spirit, and Japanese influence fostered it. [300] It is my conclusion that Minjung Theology has succeeded politically but failed theologically. By achieving a political change, it has proved to be a strong political ideology, while its radical departure from authentic Christianity made it fail to be a sound political theology for the Korean church. However, it is remarkable that Minjung Theology contributed to awakening the political consciousness of the whole Korean Church and demonstrated the possibility of political resistance.

4.4.7 Nationalism

The Korean Church is now confronted with some new political problems, the most serious of which is nationalism as a collective egotism. The political evil of imperialism is still threatening world reconciliation, as capitalistic imperialism replaces its past form of colonialism. Korea was a victim of colonial imperialism in the past, but its economy has now grown enough to participate on the side of economic exploiters. The Korean Church has prayed for her country and its economy, and it is common knowledge that further economic progress would be possible by the increase of the trade surplus and that the less-developed countries are easy targets for its achievement. The Korean Church is not yet conscious of this problem, but it will be hard to be against it, even when it is aware, because of its strong nationalistic tendencies. It will be a serious test for the Korean Church in the future.

Another issue is the fulfilment of the religious freedom which will enable the Church to overcome its subjection to the state in the past. Basic religious freedom has been achieved in Korea, but Christianity is still a minority in the Korean society and Christians are socially victimized in several ways. For example, all government officials and major company applicants are examined on Sunday, though it must be contrary to the Constitution which guarantees no discrimination of employment opportunities on religious grounds. Since the military regime the churches have been prohibited from ringing bells by reason of “noise pollution,” and it is almost impossible to establish Christian schools freely and educate Christian students in the Christian way because freedom of education is tightly controlled by the government. Also, the Korean Church should assume social responsibility in making some legal efforts to deal with political, economic, social or moral corruption like bribery, authoritarianism, land/housing speculation, luxury, pornography, prostitution, violence and abortion.

So far, we have reviewed the political struggle of the Korean churches in seven phases. All the historical and theological reflections of the past are not intended to lay blame others but to correct ourselves for the present and the future. As we have seen, the Korean Church has not been successful in the struggle to keep the political freedom which Christ has given to the Church and thereby to sanctify Korea politically. In the politically secularized world, there have always been political challenges for the Christian churches to make a choice: whether to obey the Heavenly King or to obey the earthly political power. However, to confront the latter requires the courage to suffer. As the Evangelical Church of Germany confessed in 1956 in reflection on political secularization under Hitler's regime, “The Gospel liberates us to say Nein in faith to any claim of totality of human power, to stand up for those who have been deprived of their human rights and subjected to trials, and to prefer to suffer rather than to obey the laws and regulations which are against God (...und lieber zu leiden, als gottwidrigen Gesetzen und Anordnungen zu gehorchen).” [301] As the Barmen Declaration confessed in the beginning of the Nazi rule (1934): “We repudiate the false teachings that there are areas of our life in which we belong not to Jesus Christ but another lord, areas in which we do not need justification and sanctification through him,” [302] politics may not be excluded from sanctification. The Christian task in political sanctification is first to dedicate himself as a political instrument of God in order to achieve the Kingdom of God in this world and next to subjugate the earthly political powers to the throne of God for the political redemption of worldly kingdoms.

4.5 Moral Secularization

Political secularization has a definite relationship with moral secularization, because it has been motivated by the pursuit of physical and material security. Though most Korean Christians knew that it was not morally right to be silent or supportive of the wrong political powers, they simply did it because any political action would invite suffering. Therefore, those two secularizations share a lack of faith and courage for the cross as well as a concern for worldly safety more than for the will of God and His Kingdom, though they do not always go together. Moral secularization is a perennial threat to the Christian churches, and the Korean Church is now confronted with serious moral problems, particulary materialism, quantitativism, separatism, and libertinism, which have deeply secularized the Korean Church.

4.5.1 Materialism

The Korean Church has been the main channel for western mentality, including its capitalistic materialism, and the indigenous Shamanistic tradition has gradually infiltrated to the Church to develop a secular concept of “blessing” among the Christians. However, this process had been significantly controlled both by the hopelessly severe Japanese rule and the Church's emphasis on the theologia crucis before the 1960's. [303] It was after World War II and the Korean War that the temporarily halted process of materialistic secularization has accelerated, as a desolate Korea devastated by two destructive wars began to prosper economically. [304] Of course, this is the universal problem of “religion,” which worships the deus ex machina from egoistic and selfish motives. The Korean people have a long and strong tradition of this “religion,” that is, a this-worldly, selfish and amoral religiosity, [305] and therefore hardly understand Christian love or sacrificial suffering for God and others, if it is not accompanied by a promise of “reward.” [306]

Korean Christianity has surely contributed to abolishing the superstitious religions among the Korean people. [307] However, it was grounded simply upon the power confrontation:

Christianity brought the almighty God and the powerful Jesus. And it promised that the mere belief in Him guarantees all blessings, liberation from suffering, freedom, security, and eternal life, which was identified with our traditional hope of immortality. No doubt, this was the Messiah for whom the Korean people have waited. When Christianity prohibited ancestor worship and the superstitious religion of the people, they understood quite well, for they really felt and experienced the powerlessness of the traditional deities and practices. Therefore, it was quite natural that they abandoned those traditional spirits and turned to the new deity of the almighty God and Jesus. [308]

As far as this aspect is concerned, a significant number of Korean Christians simply switched only their deity, not their desires. [309] What they desired was their own family's physical health, material blessing, social success, and the like. Also it included the happiness of life after death. All these wishes and desires are very traditional. [310] They were exactly the same things for which Korean people have prayed to any object of prayer, including ancestor spirits, animistic spirits and Buddhist deities for thousands of years. Traditionally, housewives have the religious responsibility of prayer for the physical, material and social prosperity of the household, and the majority of the Korean Church is made up of women who are eager to pray for their own family. [311]

In the 1950's and 60's when Korea suffered the post-war tragedy of family loss and separation between the North and the South, material poverty, and physical diseases, a powerful movement of mystical but materialistic Christian sects arose, the strongest of which are the Elder Park's Olive Tree Sect of the Evangelism Hall and Moon's Unification Church. [312] Both promised their followers that their Kingdom would come soon to Korea and then they would be materially and socially blessed. [313] This Shamanistic movement that we can achieve the physical and material prosperity by the mystical power has gradually penetrated into the whole Korean Church and secularized it so that they became the worshippers of both God and Mammon.

4.5.2 Quantitativism

As a subsequent development of the materialistic movement, the Korean Church was confronted by the confusion between church growth and quantitativism. As Korean Christians have tended to follow a powerful spiritual leader in this period, the imported Pentecostal church met the people's need of faith healing and material blessing and suddenly emerged on the scene in the 1960's. Yong-Ki Cho, the Pentecostal leader, has preached the so-called “Prosperity Theology” [314] and his own congregation has attracted half a million people and is now the biggest church in the world. This fantastic achievement of quantity has aroused many imitators and they have attempted to develop different methods of attracting people, including Christian versions of Shamanistic demonology, psychological mass hypnotism, spiritual surgery, imminent eschatology or the like. Sound theology was ignored for the sake of quantitative church growth, and it was the Theology of Church Growth from the Fuller School of Missions that supplied the ground and methodology for the contemporary desire for church growth. Some evangelical pastors imported several techniques and methodologies that achieved quite a success in America, including Discipleship, Evangelism Explosion, Keswick expository preaching, Robert Schuller's psychological preaching, Bethel Bible Study, Inductive Method and the like. So some of them succeeded in making big churches by the means of such methods. The so-called “Big Church Movement” seems natural in the contemporary Korean situation, where massive urbanization and rapid church growth happened together. Pastors of the big churches are very powerful and rich, while about 90 percent of the Church are below the social economic standard. Salary is usually in proportion to the size of the congregation. The capitalistic and evolutionistic “jungle principle” is now coldly at work in the Korean church. In fact, a small number of big churches dominate and even terrorize the Korean Church by the quantitative power of man and money. Small churches, which consist of the absolute majority of the Korean Church, and their pastors are psychologically suffering from an inferiority complex. This quantitativism is the extension of the Korean society which is ambitiously and endlessly pursuing the bigger and the greater in a measurable quantity. Moreover, the big church movement is a serious problem, because it is not only a product of materialism but also an inherent cause of separatism and individualism.

4.5.3 Separatism

The Korean church has been seriously suffering from the malady of separatism. In proportion, the Presbyterian Church is dominant in Korea with about 70 percent of the Korean Protestant church, and it was formed in 1901 by four Presbyterian missions--American North and South, Canadian, and Australian--who exemplarily agreed to establish only one Presbyterian Church in the land of Korea. [315] It has been maintained for half a century, though there have been some very minor “free church” separations caused by repulsion at missionary behaviour or the anti-western influence of Uchimura Ganzo's non-church movement. [316]

But the major separations in the Korean Presbyterian Church happened in 1951, 1953, 1959 and 1979, and the reasons for separation are quite ironic. One of the reasons is ecumenism. The 1953 schism was caused by the followers of the condemned liberal Jae-Joon Kim, and they became advocates of NCC ecumenism. Moreover, the WCC brought the biggest schism in 1959, which divided the Korean Presbyterian Church into two denominations of the same size. To promote ecumenism, they divided the Korean Church. Of course, some rival ecumenical organizations like ICCC and NAE also instigated separation but the WCC was the main factor, because the Korean Presbyterian Church, as well as the Korean Holiness Church, had been mostly united as one body until the WCC was introduced. So the WCC is not the name for ecumenism but separation, as far as Korea is concerned. The other reason is purity. The 1951 schism was caused by those who refused to worship at the Shinto shrines and their followers with the wish to build a spiritually pure church. The 1979 schisms occurred in an attempt to reform the corrupt church politics, but the reform groups separated to build a pure church with respect of church politics rather than reforming the corrupt church within, without recognizing that church separation itself is a serious symptom of spiritual corruption. These two major separations and innumerable minor ones, as well as in part the 1959 schism, have been influenced by the fundamentalist separatism in the American Presbyterian Church that Gresham Machen initiated with an ideal to build a pure church. [317] Also, the Confucian sectarianism and power struggles in the name of orthodoxy have accommodated and enforced this Christian separatism from America. [318]

So the one Korean Presbyterian Church has now been separated into many antagonistic denominations. Church historians have been busy justifying their own separations and accused their opponents as Left, Liberalist, or Fundamentalist, with the assumption that only they are right. This whole movement of sectarian separatism has rarely been criticized and the doctrine of una ecclesia has never received any real attention. One of the results of these successive separations was an individualistic mentality, and it justified local congregationalism which does not cooperate with the leadership of the denomination because they are tired of participating in the secular-styled power struggles in the denomination. Therefore, church politics is one of the important areas to be sanctified. [319] Big churches improperly attempt to replace the function of the denomination with their quantitative power of man and money, as denominations and classes have lost their authority and power to control, co-ordinate and regulate them.

4.5.4 Libertinism

One of the worst effects of church separations is to disable the Korean Church for church discipline and the control of moral secularization. The uncontrolled zeal for quantitative church growth naturally downplays church discipline and lowers membership standards, moral as well as spiritual. So moral libertinism is dominant in the Korean churches today. Most members of a big church prefer to be anonymous and easy, and big churches simply cannot provide enough pastoral care. Only attendance and offering are checked out quite mechanically. Their private lives are supposed to be left alone except when they ask, or they will probably move to another church which will welcome them without any reference from their former church. Therefore, church discipline is practically impossible. Also, entertaining or psychological sermons are welcomed, which afford what they want rather than what God wants. The narrow way of the cross or suffering is hardly heard. Thus, the Church has been losing the message of sanctification both in word and deed in the last couple of decades, when Korean society has been seriously secularized by a sudden wealth and political injustice. As a result, moral problems like divorce, abortion, or immoral business are rarely disciplined in the churches.

So far, we have analyzed the Korean context with respect to sanctification and secularization as a preparatory work for a proper application of Barth's doctrine of sanctification to the Korean churches. Perhaps, these two studies--Barth's doctrine of sanctification (chapters 2 and 3) and a contextual analysis of the Korean churches (chapter 4)--would be worthy studies in their own rights. But, because our aim in this project is not only to analyze and identify the problems of the Korean churches in the doctrine and practice of sanctification but also to offer a theological solution, our remaining task will be to examine the possibility of the correlation or contextualization of Barth's doctrine of sanctification to this critical situation of the Korean churches, for this would be a fair theological koinonia between the Western and Korean churches, if it is possible and helpful, as both have been and are struggling with this formidable and fatal problem of secularization.

[1] . The following statistics are drawn from several sources: H.A.Rhodes, ed., History of the Korean Mission 1884-1934, Seoul 1934, 546f; S.J.Palmer, Korea and Christianity, Seoul 1967, 92f; D.H.Kim, A History of Korean Religions, Seoul 1963, 357, 463; H.R.Ryou, A Short History of Korean Catholic Church, Seoul 1990, 160; The Government Bureau of Religion, A Handbook of Korean Religions, Seoul 1984; Y.J.Kim, A History of the Korean Church, Seoul 1992, 355-358. Except for the Catholics, the statistics are so varied that the following numbers are only approximate:

1900:

1910:

1920:

1930:

1940:

1953:

1960:

1970:

1980:

1990:

Protestants

19,000

226,000

300,000

370,000

500,000

700,000

3,000,000

5,500,000

12,121,837

Catholics

42,441

73,517

81,504

91,326

113,562

166,400

451,000

788,000

1,321,200

2,711,566

Total Christians

61,441

299,517

381,504

461,326

613,562

666,400

1,151,000

3,788,000

6,821,000

14,833,403

Because the 1950 statistics are not available due to the Korean War (1950-1953), they are replaced by those of 1953, and thereafter the figures are limited to South Korea. In 1885, when the Protestant mission began, there were already about 13,000 Catholic Christians in Korea.

[2] . Quoted in: M.Y.Lee, A Special Lecture in the History of Korean Christianity, Seoul 1985, 52.

[3] . The Korea Mission Field, IV:5, Seoul 1908, 66.

[4] . Cf. J.Mott, Addresses and Papers, Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions 1946, II:310, 326f.

[5] . World Missionary Conference, Report of Commission, 1910, I:71.

[6] . Alliance of the Reformed Church holding the Presbyterian System, Report of the Committee on Statistics, Aberdeen 1913.

[7] . L.Newbigin, Honest Religion for Secular Man, London 1966, 18.

[8] . Cf. J.S.Lee, “Korean Ethical Thought and Christian Theology,” Christian Thought 1966:12, 41.

[9] . Cf. Palmer, Korea and Christianity: The Problem of Identification with Tradition, 19-26: The Protestant missionary approaches to the Chinese culture were polarized, ranging from the rigid fundamentalism of Hudson Taylor, which excluded any cultural transformation program, to the social gospel approach of John Fryer and Timothy Richards, which concentrated on social improvement according to the western model. While the former attempted to change religion (not culture), the latter attempted to change culture (not much religion). Similar controversy happened earlier in the Roman Catholic missions between Matteo Ricci and Longobardo.

[10] . Cf. H.Underwood, An Introduction to the Holy Religion, Seoul 1894, 6; J.E.Fisher, Democracy and Mission Education in Korea, New York 1928, 125ff; Lee, A Special Lecture in the History of Korean Christianity, 96f. The adoption of the Nevius Method is generally regarded also as the expression of respect for the indigenous culture.

[11] . In religious studies, the term “traditional religion” usually means a religion of the past that is either inactive or dead, but in Korea this term is applied to all religions that have long history, whether they are active or not. Accordingly, it excludes a religion of relatively short history like Christianity. With the contemporary rise of nationalism, “tradition” and “traditional religions” are strongly supported by the people as well as the government. Therefore, this term is favourably used even by those religions themselves.

[12] . Cf. C.A.Clark, Religions of Old Korea, New York 1932; H.G.Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, New York 1910.

[13] . Cf. N.J.Paik, The History of Protestant Missions in Korea 1832-1910, Yale Univ. diss. 1927, Seoul 1973, 20f.

[14] . Cf. D.Chung, “Religious Syncretism in Korean Society,” Yale Univ. diss. abstract, World of Thoughts, 80 (1960:3), 201-214.

[15] . Cf. ibid., 214.

[16] . Cf. S.B.Yun, Christianity and Korean Thought, Seoul 1964, 262f, 99-103; Idem, “Understanding and Misunderstanding of the Traditional Religions,” Christian Thought, 1965.4: 41f, 46f.

[17] . Cf. T.S.Ryu, The Christian Faith Encounters the Religions of Korea, Seoul 1965, 239-243; Idem, Tao and Logos: Mission and Task of the Korean Theology, Seoul 1978, 60; “Indigenization must be distinguished from compromising syncretism.” (53)

[18] . Cf. A.R.Park, Theology of Dawn Prayer, Seoul 1975; Y.S.Park, “A Morality for the Korean Society,” Theological Review, 1972:3, 6-26.

[19] . Cf. K.J.Kim, The Korean Theology of Culture, Seoul 1983, 106.

[20] . Accordingly, our treatment excludes many minor religions in Korea, including “Chondo-gyo, or Tong-Hak, Eastern Teaching,” which was established and became a major religious movement during the imperialistic period (1876-1945). But, since it is a political movement with a religious motif rather than a genuine religion, it lost its appeal after independence and declined to the status of a minor religion with adherents numbering far less than 1% of the population. Because it is significant only politically, it will be dealt with in the context of the political discussion. See the end of 4.4.1.

[21] . Cf. W.K.Han, The History of Korea, Seoul 1970, 3-11.

[22] . Cf. Chung, “Religious Syncretism in Korean Society,” 213f: “The belief in the divinités céletes suprémes was widely held by the nomadic and fishing peoples in the northern and central Asia.”

[23] . Cf. Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, 104-107.

[24] . Cf. Kim, A History of Korean Religions, 40.

[25] . Cf. S.W.Han, Die Suche nach dem Himmel im Denken Koreas, Regensburg Univ. diss., Frankfurt 1988, 46-49.

[26] . Cf. Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, 110: “The supremacy of Hananim is apparently acknowledged by all, whether Confucianists, Buddhists, or Shintoists. At the request of the high priest at a Buddhist monastery, some years ago, I talked with him and his monks about Christianity, and recited for them the Ten Commandments, and was rather surprised when he endorsed them, saying that they coincided with the teachings of Buddha. On my calling his particular attention to the First Commandment, and asking how he reconciled it with the worship of Buddha, pointing to the idol, he at once replied, ‘Oh, Hananim is supreme, he is chief, Buddha is only one of the lesser gods'. This is hardly a tenet of Buddhism, but it illustrates the Korean attitude toward Hananim.”

[27] . H.B.Hulbert, The Passing of Korea, New York 1906, 288. This is a description of the Mari Mountain “Heaven Altar” in the Kang Wha Island.

[28] . Ibid., 404.

[29] . Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, 115-117.

[30] . Ibid., 106f.

[31] . Cf. Han, The History of Korea, 22-25; B.D.Lee, A Study in the Korean Ancient History, Seoul 1976, 213-227; Underwood, Religions of Eastern Asia, 104. Puyo, which is one of the oldest nations in the Korean history, only next to the antiquity of Dangun's Ancient Chosun, and situated in the present-day Manchuria, demands special mention in this aspect. According to historical records, Puyo worshipped only the Heavenly Deity. Also, it had several distinct customs which are quite similar to the old biblical tradition, i.e., the practice of a younger brother marrying his deceased elder brother's wife, polygamy, slavery, a strict legal system including execution of adulterer/adulteress and the thief's reimbursement of stolen property by 12 times, divination to discern the will of Heaven by reading a sacrificed animal's body (scapulimancy), and etc.

[32] . Cf. Han, The History of Korea, 7; Kim, A History of Korean Religions, 44f.

[33] . Cf. Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, 110.

[34] . Cf. ibid., 118.

[35] . Cf. ibid., 117-119.

[36] . Cf. K.T.Kim, “Historical Development of the Hananim Concept,” A History of Korean Primitive Religions, Seoul 1970, II:115-176. From an evolutionary point of view he held that monotheism developed from polytheism via polytheistic monotheism (117). However, this does not explain the historical fact that the most ancient Koreans including Dangun adhered to a strong monotheistic belief in the Heavenly Deity. He also insisted that the primitive concept of Hananim has been greatly modified by the subsequent additions of Taoism, Buddhism, Confucianism and Christianity. But it seems that such modification was minimal, for it was the Hananim religion that greatly modified those religions.; N.S.Kwak, “Korean Church and Hananim Title,” Christian Thought, 1972:2. Comparing the Hananim concept and the Christian idea of God, he suggested 11 functional similarities.; Kim, Korean Theology of Culture, 111-118. He insisted that, though it is under the limitation of natural theology, the Hananim concept of Korea is better qualified than western philosophical theism in understanding the biblical idea of God.

[37] . Cf. Palmer, Korea and Christianity, 16-18; S.H.Ham, The Meaning of Korean History, Seoul 1963, 131.

[38] . Ibid., 118.

[39] . Ibid., 118f.

[40] . Yun, Christianity and Korean Thought, 63f: Dangun's political objective, “Wide Benefit to People,” seems to promote the spirit of love rather than exploitation or selfishness.

[41] . Cf. Kim, A History of Korean Religions, 53f.

[42] . Cf. ibid., 54; Lee, A Study in the Korean Ancient History, 781-795. The ancient belief in the pure water of a well or stream seems to reflect this tradition of purity.

[43] . Cf. Kim, History of Korean Religions, 41-44; Ryu, The Christian Faith Encounters the Religions of Korea, 17f; S.H.Moon, “Shamanism in Korea,” in: An Introduction to the Korean Thoughts, Seoul 1982, 27.

[44] . Cf. ibid., 26: “It is believed that there are good spirits and evil spirits [demons], but it is quite difficult to identify them clearly. Even the good spirits become angry and harm people if they are not properly honoured, while even the evil spirits help to heal if they are well treated. Likewise, treatment decides the outcome.”; Chung, “Religious Syncretism in Korean Society,” 208: Good and evil spirits may be compared with angels, demons, and spirits in the Christian faith.

[45] . Cf. Moon, “Shamanism in Korea,” 25-29: The Shaman pantheon includes not only innumerable animistic spirits but also any deity of any religion including Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism. Strangely, however, the triune God of Christianity is excluded. The Shaman understanding of spirits is functional: each spirit has his own area of activity and does not violate those of others; “According to their faith, the universe is fully filled with spirits and demons.” (26); B.G.Chang, “The Concept of Salvation in the Traditional Religious Thought,” Academy Series VIII, Seoul 1975, 29: “The world of folk religion is full of sal [harmful powers] and it should be relieved by poori [loosening].”

[46] . Cf. Moon, “Shamanism in Korea,” 21-25: In his masterpiece Shamanism (1964), M. Eliade defined Shamanism as a technique for achieving ecstasy by means of which one could travel through heaven and the underworld, and regarded the trance type as the main category of shamans. Moon, however, objected with the observation that the Korean shamans are mainly of the possession type and this is also true with respect to Manchuria and Mongolia; Professional shamans in Korea are classified as “possessed shamans,” “inherited shamans” and “educated shamans,” and “family shamans.” (19f)

[47] . Cf. ibid., 33-35; Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, 96; Ryu, The Christian Faith Encounters, 29f, n.21; Kim, History of Korean Religions, 78: The registered number of shamans in Korea was c. 2600 (c. 5000 including the unregistered) in 1801-1834, and 12,380 in 1930; D.L.Gifford, Every Day Life in Korea, New York 1898, 107: “It is estimated that demon worship [Shamanism] costs the people of Korea two million five hundred thousand dollars a year.”

[48] . Cf. Moon, “Shamanism in Korea,” 30-32; Chang, “The Concept of Salvation in the Traditional Religious Thought,” 35. If gut fails, the final way is to pray to the Heavenly Deity.

[49] . Cf. ibid., 30: “There is no faith in the forgiveness of the higher being and salvation into a new state of being. Any trouble is caused by the invasion of other spirits and therefore salvation is exorcism of those spirits. In a word, salvation is a liberation from the harmed state and it does not know any new creation.”; Kim, Korean Theology of Culture, 151: Shamanism is “not an upward move of sanctification from the secular to the holy but a downward secularization, dragging the holy down to the secular and mingling it with this worldly life.”

[50] . Cf. Moon, “Shamanism in Korea,” 36f; Ryu, Christian Faith Encounters, 33-39; Idem, Tao and Logos, 154-157.

[51] . Cf. E.W.Kim, Gospel and History, Seoul 1975, 13-16; Moon, “Shamanism in Korea,” 14, 36f; Yun, Christianity and Korean Thought, 161-164; Ryu, Tao and Logos, 164.

[52] . Cf. Y.L.Fung, “The Yin-Yang School and Early Chinese Cosmology,” in: A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, New York 1948, 129-142: Though the Yin-Yang School and the Five Elements School are the common heritage of both Confucianism and Taoism, they have been gradually absorbed into the occult form of Taoism.

[53] . Cf. Underwood, Religions of Eastern Asia, 1f; J.Lagerwey, Taoist Ritual in Chinese Society and History, New York 1987.

[54] . Cf. N.W.Lee, A History of Korean Taoism, Seoul 1989, 53-57: The first organized Taoism, which was called “Five-Cup of Rice Sect,” came to Korea in 624 A.D. and was enthusiastically welcomed by the people of Kokuryo for a while because of its close affinity with traditional Shamanism. But thereafter organized Taoism and its priests became strictly limited to the official shrine of the king.

[55] . Cf. ibid., 253-270.

[56] . Cf. ibid., 287-302.

[57] . Cf. ibid., 280-286.

[58] . Cf. ibid., 271-279.

[59] . Cf. E.M.Chen, “Is There a Doctrine of Physical Immortality in Tao-tê ching?,” History of Religions 12 (1973):231-249; J.Needham, “The Achievement of Immortality,” Science and Civilization in China, Cambridge 1954, 2:139-154. This work deals with several Taoistic techniques for achieving immortality such as respiratory techniques, helio-therapeutic techniques, gymnastic exercises, sexual techniques etc.; H.Maspero, “Alchemy and Physical Immortality,” Le taoisme, Paris 1950, 116-147; J.Ware, Alchemy, Medicine, Religion in China of A.D. 320: The Nei P'ien of Ko Hung (Pao-p'u tzu), Cambridge MA 1966.

[60] . Cf. ibid., 33-52; Kim, History of Korean Religions, 49-53: Korea was well known to China as a source for such mysterious medicines. A Chinese emperor therefore is said to have sent three thousand people for the medicine of immortality to the East, which is widely believed to be Korea.

[61] . Cf. Lao-tzu, Tao-te ching, tr. D.C.Lau, London 1963, 38; Chang-tsu, The Complete Works of Chang- tsu, tr. B.Watson, New York 1968, 326.

[62] . Cf. W.T.Chan, “Cosmological Passages of the Chuang Tzu,” in: A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, Princeton 1969, 202-207; Idem, “An Explanation of the Diagram of the Great Ultimate,” Ibid., 460-464; Idem, The Way of Lao Tzu, Indianapolis 1963, esp. chapters 1 and 42; J.Shih, “Ancient Chinese Cosmology,” Studia Missionalia 18 (1969): 111-130.

[63] . Cf. Chang Tsu 424.

[64] . Cf. Chang Tsu 147, 307, 457.

[65] . Cf. Chang Tsu 217, 220-222, 478, 547, 563, 785.

[66] . Cf. Chang Tsu 79, 294, 1099.

[67] . Cf. K.S.Lee, “The Doctrine of Ideal Man in Lao and Chang,” in: Metaphysics and Anthropology in the Oriental Philosophy, Seoul 1982, 238-246.

[68] . Cf. Lee, History of Korean Taoism, 201-252.

[69] . Cf. Kim, History of Korean Religions, 64.

[70] . Cf. Lee, History of Korean Taoism, 85-87; Also, General Yon Kae-so-mun, his rival in Kokuryo, attempted to utilize the power of Taoism (56f).

[71] . Cf. ibid., 71-74; Kim, History of Korean Religions, 55-58.

[72] . Cf. ibid., 77f.

[73] . Cf. Chung, “Religious Syncretism in Korean Society,” 212; Chang Tsu 128, 282.

[74] . Cf. Chang, “The Concept of Salvation in the Traditional Religious Thought,” 31.

[75] . Cf. ibid., 32.

[76] . Cf. K.B.Lee, A New History of Korea, Seoul 1984, 59f: “In all Three Kingdoms the principal initiative for the acceptance of Buddhism was taken by the royal houses... [It] probably was because it was seen to be well-suited as a spiritual prop with which to undergird the new governing structure centred on the authority of the throne... In consequence, the aspect of Buddhism as a doctrine for the protection of the state was a powerful attraction for that faith in the period of the Three Kingdom... the belief in Buddhism as the protector of the state.”

[77] . Cf. M.K.Cho, “Is Dialogue Possible Between Buddhism and Christianity?,” World of Thought, 1964:12, 209-212; Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, 193f: “The great factor in the rapid development of Buddhism, has been the chameleon-like nature of this system which appears almost involuntarily to change its colour to suit the time and place in which it finds itself. Buddhism has always been and is to-day ready to adapt itself to its environment to a far greater extent beyond all comparison than any other known cult of whatever clime or period.”; Clark, Religions of Old Korea, 50-54, 64, 78f: Every Buddhist temple in Korea has a Buddhist pantheon called Sinchoon-dang, which includes not only Buddhist deities but also deities from Shamanism, Taoism, Confucianism and even Buddhized Hananim--Jaesuk Buddha.

[78] . Cf. Dong-Gook University, Introduction to Buddhism, Seoul 1986, 10-45.

[79] . Cf. ibid., 95-108.

[80] . Cf. ibid., 160-167.

[81] . Cf. ibid., 112f.

[82] . Cf. Underwood, The Religions of Eastern Asia, 205f; Clark, Religions of Old Korea, 20-22: The characteristics of Mahayana Buddhism are listed as worship of Buddha as God, belief in Boddhisattvas, emphasis on works of mercy, practice of prayer to Buddhistic deities, and belief in Paradise instead of the spiritual Nirvana.

[83] . Cf. C.S.Yu, A Comparative Study of the Founder's Authority, the Community and the Discipline in Early Buddhism and in Early Christianity, McMaster Univ. diss., Seoul 1980, 40f, 185-210; Introduction to Buddhism, 224-226: The fundamental difference of Christianity from Buddhism is identified as the Christian belief in the Creator God and the divinity of Jesus.

[84] . Cf. ibid., 61-64: Gautama's doctrine of no self [an-atma vada] teaches that our physical and sensual understandings of self are not real and that the realization of the true self can only be attained through self-denial.

[85] . Cf. S.K.Song, “The Doctrine of Man in the Chinese Buddhism,” in: Metaphysics and Anthropology of the Oriental Philosophy, 312.

[86] . Cf. ibid., 301-308.

[87] . Cf. ibid., 308. In original Buddhism, therefore, even the Hinduistic six worlds of metempsychosis are hardly a reality; P.G.Chae, “Salvation and Nirvana,” Theological Review, 1928:3, 10. He raised a question concerning the subject of Buddhist salvation: If there is no self except nothingness, where is the subject who achieves Nirvana?

[88] . Cf. Lee, A New History of Korea, 154: Chinul (1158-1210), the founder of Chogye sect, suggested twofold training of meditation and canon study by insisting “sudden-enlightenment [followed by] gradual-cultivation.”

[89] . Cf. Clark, Religions of Old Korea, 79-82: While Hinayana Buddhism closed the canon, Mahayana Buddhism still leaves it open. Therefore, its canonic writings are countless and each sect prefers their own canon.

[90] . Cf. Introduction to Buddhism, 183f: Pure Land Buddhism is the most popular form of Buddhism in China, Korea and Japan, and it was developed in Korea by Wonhyo in the 7th century; K.B.Min, A History of the Korean Church, Seoul 1982, 31-35; Clark, Religions of Old Korea, 23-25; R.R.Covell, Confucius, The Buddha, and Christ: A History of the Gospel in China, New York 1986, 20-35: Because of its fundamental departure from the original Buddhist idea of self-salvation and its affinity with the Christian idea of grace, some Christian theologians suggest that it might be developed under the influence of Christianity, especially in the forms of the Thomas Church and Nestorian Christianity which had been quite popular then in India and China.

[91] . Cf. Lee, A New History of Korea, 82f: “In consequence of his efforts, eight or nine of every ten Silla people embraced Buddhism.”; Clark, Religions of Old Korea, 64: Also, the pre-Buddhist indigenous belief in Miryuck as the object of prayer was absorbed into Buddhism as the future Buddha who will come and save people.

[92] . Cf. Yun, “Understanding and Misunderstanding of Traditional Religions,” 41: Because the individualistic and amoral Buddhist concept of the future world [Land of Extreme Joy and Underground Prison] functioned as the pre-understanding for the Christian teaching of heaven and hell, he insists, the Korean Church misunderstood the eschatological morality and the cultural concept of the Kingdom of God.

[93] . Cf. Introduction to Buddhism, 185-189.

[94] . Cf. Yu, A Comparative Study, 187-192, 205f.

[95] . Cf. Chae, “Salvation and Nirvana,” 14.

[96] . Cf. S.Y.Hyun, A History of Korean Confucianism, Seoul 1948, 12.

[97] . Cf. Lee, A New History of Korea, 83f, 105f, 118-120.

[98] . Cf. Han, The History of Korea, 149: “While Buddhism ministered to the people's spiritual needs, Confucianism continued to be the dominant influence in social ethics, education and government.” It was so even in the Buddhist Koryu dynasty. Due to the separation between religion and education, the conflict between these two religions was inevitable.

[99] . Confucianism is a humanistic denial of the control of man by the spirits of the universe (Analects 15.28). In this respect, it overcame Shamanistic belief in ancient China. Concerning ancient Shamanism in China, see J.M.de Groot, The Religious System of China: Its Ancient Forms, Evolution, History and Present Aspect, Manners, Customs and Social Institutions Connected Therewith, 6 vols, Leiden 1910; M.Eliade, Shamanism, London 1964; J.T.Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, Seoul 1982, 18f.

[100] . Cf. ibid., 19.

[101] . Cf. Analects, in: The Chinese Classics, tr. J.Legge, Oxford 1893ff, 1.2, 12.1, 15.20; Menchius, tr. D.C.Lau, London 1970, 2A.6, 6A.6, 6A.11, 7A.1, 7A.4.

[102] . Cf. Analects 6.5, 8.7, 12.1.

[103] . Cf. Analects 1.6, 2.15, 15.30, 19.6.

[104] . Cf. Analects 15.17

[105] . In this section, when two transliterations are given, the first will be its Chinese way of transliteration, and the second its Korean form.

[106] . Cf. W.T.Chan, “Chinese and Western Interpretations of Jen [Humanity],” Journal of Chinese Philosophy 2 (1975); W.M.Tu, “Jen as a Living Metaphor in the Confucian Analects,” Philosophy East and West 31 (1981), also in: Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative Transformation, New York 1985, 81-92; Idem, “The Confucian Perception of Adulthood,” Daedalus 105 (1976).2; Idem, “On the Mencian Perception of Moral Self-Development,” The Monist 61 (1978): 72-81; Idem, Humanity and Self-Cultivation: Essays in Confucian Thought, Berkeley 1979; C.R.Yu, “Tao of Centre and the Metaphysics of the Early Confucianism,” in: Metaphysics and Anthropology of Oriental Philosophy, 23-28; Benevolence in Confucianism is a social virtue of rational nature which is distinguished from the Christian concept of love in its lack of grace and love for one's enemy. See N.K.Kim, “Confucian Benevolence and Christian Love,” Christian Thought, 1960:4, 44-49; H.K.Lee, “Principle of Benevolence and Agape Love,” Theological Review, 1974:6, 74-85; On Confucius' teaching of Jen as love see Analects 12.22, 14.8, 17.4.

[107] . Cf. K.S.Lee, “Anthropology of Early Confucianism,” in: Metaphysics and Anthropology of Oriental Philosophy, 193-197, 201-203: These concepts are inseparable, but they can be distinguished as follows. The virtuous man, the most popular designation, is a man who is able to rule himself and others. The benevolent man is a man who has fully realized his heavenly virtues. The great man is a man of great self who overcame his egoistic self. The wise man is one who fully developed every heavenly nature. The holy man is the highest of all--one who has not only fully developed his heavenly virtues but also realized it in human society.

[108] . Cf. B.I.Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China, Cambridge MA 1985, 68; P.Boodberg, “The Semasiology of Some Primary Confucian Concepts,” Philosophy East and West 2 (1953).4: 317-332. Here the semasiological analysis of the Chinese character “Jen” reveals its social character as “co-humanity”; W.M.Tu, “Ultimate Self-Transformation as a Communal Act: Comments on Modes of Self-Cultivation in Traditional China,” Journal of Chinese Philosophy 6 (1969):237-246; Concerning the modern controversy over the social class implications of Jen, see J.Ching, Confucianism and Christianity: A Comparative Study, Tokyo 1977, 47-50.

[109] . Cf. Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 31f.

[110] . Cf. Analects 12.1; Menchius 6A.14; Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China, 77: This method of achieving Jen appears in Analects 12.1 and its interpretations are quite diverse. It is translated into “Curb your ego and submit to li” (Legge), “He who can submit himself to rituals is good” (Waley), “Self-disciplined and ever turning to li” (Fingarette), etc. According to Schwarz, “the first translation, supported by a majority of Chinese commentators, suggests that the correct performance of the li presupposes a sustained inner effort to overcome those evil impulses which prevent the performance of li in the spirit appropriate to li”; H.Fingarette, Confucius--The Secular as Sacred, New York 1972, 1-17, 37-56: Over against the traditional interpretation of li as symbolic and cultural, Fingarette insisted on its religious and magical implications. However, his Li-centered understanding of Jen is not generally accepted because of Confucius' negative attitude to religion in general; W.M.Tu, “The Creative Tension between Jen and Li,” Philosophy East and West 18 (1968); Idem, “Li as Process of Humanization,” ibid 22 (1972).

[111] . Cf. Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 42.

[112] . Cf. ibid., 24-30: Filial piety precedes any other relationship, including loyalty to the ruler. For example, because even a king cannot interrupt the duty of filial piety, the king should release any government official whose parent has died for some period of time during which he is obliged to repent of any wrongdoing to his deceased parent and care for his/her tomb; It is interesting that the Chinese character “loyalty” is combined of two characters meaning “centre of the mind,” and it reflects the “centre” concept of the ancient Chinese philosophy that the flag of king is the centre of his world.

[113] . Cf. H.G.Creel, Confucius: The Man and the Myth, London 1951, 159; L.Creel, The Concept of Social Order in Early Confucianism, Berkeley 1946; Fingarette, Confucius--the Secular as Sacred, 57-70; H.H.Dubs, “The Archaic Royal Jou Religion,” T'oung Pao 46 (1958):217-259; D.B.Obenchain, Ministers of Moral Order: Innovations of the Early Chou Kings, the Duke of Chou, Chung-ni and Ju, Harvard Univ. diss 1984.

[114] . Cf. Analects 14.37, 20.3

[115] . Cf. Creel, Confucius, 172f.

[116] . Cf. Analects 14.25

[117] . Cf. Analects 14.37, 15.2, 17.19, 19.25, 20.3

[118] . Cf. Analects 16.9.

[119] . Cf. Analects, 7.2; Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 83-87.

[120] . Cf. ibid., 68f.

[121] . Cf. Analects 14.24, 14.37, 17.8

[122] . Cf. W.M.Tu, “A Confucian Perspective on Learning to be Human,” Confucian Thought, 51-66.

[123] . Cf. Lee, A New History of Korea, 166: It was An Yu (1243-1306) and Paek I-Jung (1275-1325) who first imported Neo-Confucianism to Korea; W.T.de Bary and J.Haboush, The Rise of Neo-Confucianism in Korea, New York 1986.

[124] . Cf. C.Chang, “Buddhism as a Stimulus to Neo-Confucianism,” Oriens Extremus 2 (1955): 157-166. Its revision in: The Development of Neo-Confucian Thought, New York 1957, I:113-135; C.W.Fu, “Morality or Beyond: The Neo-Confucian Confrontation with Mahayana Buddhism,” Philosophy East and West 23 (1973): 375-396; Y.L.Fung, “Neo-Confucianism: The Cosmologists,” in: A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, 266-280; Idem, “The Rise of Confucianism and Its Borrowing from Buddhism and Taoism,” in: A History of Chinese Philosophy, Princeton 1952, 2:407-433; E.Kimara, “The New Confucianism and Taoism,” Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 5 (1960): 801-829; B.J.Percy, “Theistic Import of Sung Philosophy,” Journal of the North China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society 49 (1918): 111-127; Idem, Philosophy of Human Nature by Chu Hsi, London 1922; J.H.Bae, “Korean Confucianism and the Theory of Four Terminals and Seven Emotions,” in: An Introduction to the Korean Thoughts, 39f.

[125] . Cf. C.Y.Kim, “Introduction to the Oriental Anthropology,” in: Metaphysics and Anthropology of Oriental Philosophy, 177-182.

[126] . Cf. I.H.Yu, “Anthropology of Jung and Chu,” in: Metaphysic and Anthropology of Oriental Philosophy, 250-254, 258-263, 269-276. In the Korean Confucianism, the most persistent controversy was over the relationship of Li and Chi.

[127] . Cf. Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 301-308.

[128] . Cf. ibid., 127f; W.T.Chan, “Chu Hsi's View of Spiritual Beings and His Criticisms of Buddhism,” in: A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, 643-653; S.C.Huang, “Chang Tsai's Concept of Chi,” Philosophy East and West 18 (1968): 245-259.

[129] . Cf. Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 127f: It was believed that the spirits of ancestor have capability to bless or punish according to the degree of seriousness in the ancestor worship.

[130] . Cf. Analects 3.15, 3.17

[131] . Cf. Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 168-186; Fingarette, Confucius, 71-79. Symbolic understanding is resisted by him, and instead he insisted a strong ceremonialism.

[132] . Cf. Analects 3.12, 6.20, 7.20, 7.34, 11.11; Creel, Confucius, 123-132. But Schwartz objected him on the grounds that Confucius believed in fate (Analects 12.5) and described Heaven personally several times, in his The World of Thought in Ancient China, 117-127; Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 179, 181, 191, 194f.

[133] . Cf. ibid., 113-115, 139.

[134] . Cf. Lee, A New History of Korea, 218f.

[135] . Cf. Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 116-119.

[136] . Cf. ibid., 138f.

[137] . Cf. Hyun, A History of Korean Confucianism, 6, 188, 193-207, 272-274, 417: He understood that sectarianism is “inevitable” in the Confucian system.

[138] . Cf. Analects 13.23, 15.21

[139] . Cf. Hyun, A History of Korean Confucianism, 267-271: In Neo-Confucianism there are two schools, that is, the Wang Yang-ming School of Mind and the Chu Hsi School of Principle. Korean Confucianism adopted only the latter, while the former was absolutely rejected as a dangerous “heresy.”

[140] . Cf. Analects, 2.16.

[141] . Cf. Chung, “Religious Syncretism in Korean Society,” 208; Ryu, The Christian Faith Encounters the Religions of Korea, 91.

[142] . Cf. Paik, The History of Protestant Missions in Korea, 70-73.

[143] . Min, History of Korean Christianity, 148f.

[144] . Cf. A.J.Brown, The Mastery of the Far East, New York 1919, 540.

[145] . Cf. Chung, “Religious Syncretism in Korean Society,” 208-210; Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 314-328.

[146] . Cf. Min, History of Korean Christianity, 57, 114.

[147] . T.S.Ryu, An Introduction to the History of Korean Theology, Seoul 1982, 83.

[148] . Cf. B.H.Choi, A Survey of All Religions, Seoul 1922. The seven stages of sanctification are as follows: (1) Gentiles, (2)Those who know their sins and cry out because of them, (3) Those who are justified by faith, (4) Those who are regenerated by faith, (5) Those who see God, (6) Those who became children of God, and (7) Those who are perfectly sanctified.

[149] . Cf. Min, History of Korean Christianity, 174; J.K.Gil, [A Biography of] Sun-Joo Gil, Seoul 1980, 29-39, 46f.

[150] . Cf. H.N.Park, Dogmatic Theology: Soteriology, Collected Works V, Seoul 1981, 330-384; L.Berkhof, Systematic Theology, Grand Rapids 1949, 527-544; C.Hodge, Systematic Theology, New York 1892, III:213-258.

[151] . Cf. Park, Soteriology, 343f.

[152] . Cf. ibid., 350f.

[153] . Cf. Berkhof, Systematic Theology, 535f.

[154] . Cf. Hodge, Systematic Theology, III:226-231.

[155] . Cf. Park, Soteriology, 349-352.

[156] . Cf. ibid., 351f: “Because Christians do not use the prescribed means (listed above) persistently, sanctification does not ever make a steady and ceaseless progress... Likewise, Christian should persistently use all those prescribed means and live a life of overflowing grace to achieve his ceaseless sanctification.”

[157] . Cf. H.N.Park, “Election and Synergism,” Theological Review, 1966:12, 3-13.

[158] . Cf. Kim, Korean Theology of Culture, 132: “The ontological natural theology of Korea is fit to the position of evangelical synergism rather than sola gratia of divine sovereignty.”

[159] . Cf. Ryu, Introduction to the History of Korean Theology, 121f: In 1930, the North and South Methodist Church of Korea have united and adopted a new doctrinal declaration which confesses that Christ is “our teacher and example, redeemer and saviour” (Art. 2) and that “the heaven is the human society where the will of God is realized” (Art. 7); Min, “A Study in the Faith Types of Korean Christianity,” 220f: His survey shows that the Methodists strongly prefer the image of Jesus as example, in contrast to Presbyterians and others who mostly understand Jesus primarily as the Lord, or the Messiah.

[160] . Cf. ibid., 219f: The majority of Korean Christians recognized disciplinary sanctification, believing that they can be like God through self-discipline.

[161] . Cf. Rhodes, History of the Korea Mission, 251-256.

[162] . Cf. Lee, Special Lecture in the History of Korean Christianity, 56-58, 81f, 100-102. For example, Rev. S.J.Gil read the whole Bible 100 times and Revelation 10,000 times.

[163] . A.J.Brown, Report of a Second Visit to China, Japan and Korea, 1909, 91f, quoted in: Paik, The History of Protestant Missions in Korea, 448.

[164] . The syncretized form of Shamanism and Taoism teaches that a man's fate is decided by his “eight letters,” the set of two-lettered “four pillars”--year, month, day and time of his birth.

[165] . Cf. J.N.Cho, “Wesley's Doctrine of Sanctification,” Theology and Mission, I (1975:5), 87-98.

[166] . Cf. ibid., 91f.

[167] . Cf. ibid., 97f.

[168] . Cf. Min, A History of the Korean Church, 386-399. This movement had been accelerated since 1920's when Revivalist Ik-Doo Kim performed so many miracles that even the 1923 Presbyterian General Assembly revised its Constitution with respect to the possibility of miracle today (354).

[169] . Cf. M.Weber, The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism, Glencoe IL 1951.

[170] . Cf. J.G.Choi, “The Korean Church and the Separation of Religion and State,” in: The Political Theology of Korea, Seoul 1984, 273.

[171] . Cf. Ching, Confucianism and Christianity: A Comparative Study, 14-24; P.Rule, K'ung-tzu or Confucius?: The Jesuit Interpretation of Confucianism, Australian Nat'l Univ. diss. 1972; G.H.Dunne, The Jesuits in China in the Last Days of the Ming Dynasty, Chicago Univ. diss. 1944; The first Jesuit missionaries to China under the leadership of Matteo Ricci tolerated ancestor worship. However, the Vatican had invalidated their tolerance and ordered the disorganization of the Jesuit order on the grounds of misconduct, including this issue. In 1715 and 1742 the Pope declared the Confucian ancestor worship to be idolatry, though this position was ironically revoked in 1939. For criticism of the inconsistent policy of the Roman Catholic Church, see Lee, A Special Lecture in the History of Korean Christianity, 32f.

[172] . Cf. Keum, Re-illumination of the Korean Confucianism, 325-327.

[173] . B.B.Park, “The Korean Culture and Christianity,” Literature and Intellectuality, 1975:2, 21-25: The Confucian value system centers around family, and this family-centered mentality has been the major obstacle to the national unity, for it relativized all other values and justified family feuds in politics as well as scholarship. The introduction of Christianity helped to overcome this barrier by promoting a system of universal values grounded in monotheism.

[174] . Cf. ibid., 21-24, 26.